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i V | Ll in 1 N „ 1 99,V,MT,y. PUBI - | C LIBRARY 

3 1833 00824 3807 

Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2013 



Committee of Publication. 






Publish at tfje Cijarge of tijc ftpplrton JFtmB. 



^Snitocrsitp iprcss: 
JonN Wilson and Son, Cambridge. 




Complete List of the Members of the Massachusetts 

Historical Society vh 

Complete List of the Officers . xxiii 

Officers Elected April 12, 1900 xxvii 

Resident Members xxviii 

Honorary and Corresponding Members xxx 

Members Deceased xxxii 

Preface xxxiii 

The Jefferson Papers 1 

Index 379 




[Those with * prefixed have died, and those with t ceased to be members, by resignation, removal from the State, 
or otherwise. The place of residence given is that where the member lived at the time of his election.] 


*Rev. Jeremy Belknap, D.D Boston 24 January, 1791 

*Rev. John Eliot, D.D „ „ „ „ 

*Rev. James Freeman, D.D ,, „ „ ,, 

*Hon. James Sullivan, LL.D ,, „ „ ,, 

*Rev. Peter Thacher, D.D „ „ „ „ 

*Hon. William Tudor, A.M „ „ „ ,, 

*Thomas Wallcut, Esq ,, „ „ ,, 

*Hon. James Winthrop, LL.D Cambridge . . „ „ ,, 

*fHon. William Baylies, M.D Dighton . . . . „ „ „ 

*Hon. George Richards Minot, A.M Boston „ „ ,, 

*Hon. David Sewall, LL.D York, Maine . 11 October, „ 

*Isaac Lothrop, Esq Plymouth . . . „ ,, ,, 

*Hon. John Davis, LL.D „ ... 24 „ „ 

*fRev. Manasseh Cutler, LL.D Ipswich .... 29 May, 1792 

*Aaron Dexter, M.D Boston „ ,, ,, 

*fHon. Daniel Davis, A.M Portland ...„,, ,, 

*Rev. Thaddeus Mason Harris, D.D Cambridge . . 13 August, ,, 

*Thomas Pemberton, Esq Boston „ ,, ,, 

*t William Wetmore, A.M „ „ „ „ 

*Redford Webster, Esq „ „ ,, ,, 

*Hon. Peleg Coffin Nantucket . . „ ,, ,, 

*William Dandridge Peck, A.M Kittery . . . 

*John Mellen, A.M Barnstable . 

*fHon. Nathaniel Freeman Sandwich . . 

*tHon. Alden Bradford, LL.D Boston 

*Rev. John Prince, LL.D Salem .... 

*Hon. Dudley Atkins Tyng, LL.D Newburyport 

*Ezekiel Price, Esq Boston .... 

*fSamuel Turell „ 

*fRev. John Thornton Kirkland, LL.D. ... „ 

*|Rev. Jedidiah Morse, D.D Charlestown . „ ,, ,, 

*Rev. John Clarke, D.D Boston „ ,, ,, 

*Rev. William Bentley, D.D Salem 25 March, „ 

*James Perkins, Esq Boston „ „ ,, 

*|Hon. William Spooner, M.D , 26 April, „ 

*Hon. Josiah Quincy, LL.D „ 26 July, ,, 

*Eben Parsons, Esq ,, 31 January, 1797 

*Thomas Brattle, A.M Cambridge . . 25 April, ,, 

*William Fisk, A.B Waltham . . . „ „ „ 

*Gamaliel Bradford, A.M Boston 31 October, ,, 

*Rev. Caleb Gannett, A.M Cambridge . . „ ,, ,, 

*Hon. Christopher Gore, LL.D Waltham ... 30 January, 1798 

*Rev. John Bradford, A.M Roxbury . . . „ ,, ,, 

8 October, 
23 „ 

2 January 

29 „ 

30 April, 

30 July, 
26 Januarv, 




d. 20 June, 1798 . . . 
d. 14 February, 1813. 
d. 14 November, 1835 
d. 10 December, 1808 
d. 16 December, 1802 

d. 8 July, 1819 

d. 5 June, 1840 .... 
d. 26 September, 1821 
R. 27 April, 1815. 
d. 2 January, 1802 . . 
d. 22 October, 1825 . 

d. 25 July, 1808 

d. 14 January, 1847 . 
R. 27 April, 1815. 
d. 28 February, 1829 
R. 26 June, 1834. 

d. 3 April, 1842 

d. 5 July, 1807 

R. 29 August, 1815. 
d. 31 August, 1833 . . 
d. 6 March, 1805 . . . 
d. 3 October, 1822 . . 
d. 19 September, 1828 
R. 25 October, 1808. 
R. 27 January, 1820. 
d. 7 June, 1836 .... 
d. 1 August, 1829 . . 

d. 15 July, 1802 

Exp. 27 August, 1811. 
R. 24 April, 1828. 
Rem. 1820. 

d. 2 April, 1798 

d. 29 December, 1819 
d. 1 August, 1822 . . . 
R. 28 May, 1835. 

d. 1 July, 1864 

d. 27 November, 1819 
d. 7 February, 1801 . 
d. 13 August, 1803 . . 
d. 7 March, 1824 . . . 
d. 25 April, 1818 . . . 
d. 1 March, 1827 . . . 
d. 27 January, 1825 . 













•tHon. Daniel Kilham, A.M 

Abie! Holmes, LL.D 

•Hon. Joeiafa Bartlett, M.I) 

•Hon. Benjamin Lincoln, A.M 

•Isaac Band, M.D 

•tRev. Ebeneser Fitch, D.D 

*John Williams, A.M 

- 1; . . Jonathan Homer, D.D 

•tRev. John Allyn, D.D 

Eliphalel Pearson, LL.D 

•Marston Watson, Esq 

•Hon. William Sullivan, LL.D 

•Hon. John Adams, LL.D 

•Hon. Caleb Strong, LL.D 

•Hon. Thomas Lindall Winthrop, LL.D. 

•tJohn Langdoa Sullivan, M.D 

•tRev. Zephaniah Willis, A.M 

•Rev. William Emerson, A.M 

•tliev. John Snelling Popkin, D.D 

•tCharlea Bulfinch, A.M 

•Hon. John Qoincy Adams, LL.D 

•tHon. Stephen Higginson 

*Rev. Peter Whitney, A.M 

•tObadiafa Bieh, Esq 

♦William Smith Shaw, A.M 

•Rev. Joseph McKean, LL.D 

*IIon. .Joseph Allen 

•Hon. Joshua Thomas, A.M 

*Hev. John Pierce, D.D 

•Joseph Coolidge, Esq 

♦Rev. Joseph Stevens Buekminster, A.M. 

*Isaiah Thomas, LL.D 

•Samuel Davis, A.M 

•tJoseph Tilden, A.M 

•Elisha dap, A.M 

•Hon. James Savage, LL.D 

•fEphraim Eliot, A.M 

•tKev. Charles Lowell, D.D 

,, ,, ,, ,, re-elected . . 

•tHon. Charles Jackson, LL.D 

•tLevi Hedge, LL.D. . . . 

•William Tudor, Jr., A.M 

•Hon. Joseph Story, LL.D 

♦Hon. Leveretl Baltonstall, LL.D 

•Rev. Stephen Palmer, A.M 

•tlchabod Tucker, A.M 

•Hun. Francis ('alley Gray, LL.D 

•tHon. John Pickering, LL.D 

,, ,, ,, ,, re-elected . 

•t Nathaniel Greenwood Snelling, Esq. . . 

•Hon. Nahum Mitchell, A.M 

•Benjamin Elopes Nichols, A.M 

•linn. William Winthrop, A.M 

•Hon. Nathan Hale. LL.D 

•Rev. Samuel Ripley, A.M 

•Hon. Edward Everett. LL.D 

•Hon. .lames Cashing Merrill, A.M. . . . 

•Hon. Danid Webster, LED 



Wenham . . . 

24 April, 


Cambridge . . 

11 M 


Charlestown . 

11 11 


Hingham . . . 

19 July, 



n »> 



30 October, 


Deerfield . . . 

» >> 


Newton .... 

30 April, 


Duxhury . . . 

29 October, 


Andover . . . 

28 January, 



29 April, 




Kingston . . . 


Cambridge . . 


Quincy .... 



Brookline . 
Boston . . . 

Boston . . . 

Boston . . . 
Boston . . . 
Salem . . . 

Salem . . 
Boston . . 
Salem . . 
Boston . . 


Salem .... 
Cambridge . 

Walt ham . . 
Boston .... 

31 July, „ . 

28 October, ,, . 

28 April, 1801 . 

ii ii ii 

13 July, ,, . 

n n ii 

1 October, ,, . 

27 April, 1802 . . . 
25 January, 1803 . 

28 August, 1804 . . 
5 March, 1805 
7 November, ,, 

7 September, 1808 

ii ii ii 

25 October, ,, 

31 January, 1809 . 
25 April, 1811 . . . 

30 January, 1812 

ii ii ii 

29 October, ,, . 

28 January, 1813 

24 August, ,, 

29 August, 1815 . 
14 July, 1859 . . . 
29 August, 1815 . 

25 April, 1816 . 

27 August, ,, . 

» >) >> 

2G August, 1817 . 
29 January, 1818 

25 June, 1835 . . 
29 January, 1818 
25 August, „ 

28 January, 1819 
27 January. 1820 

27 April, 

27 August. 1821 


R. 29 April, 1830. 

d. 4 June, 18:57 73 

d. 3 March, 1820 .. . 60 

d. 9 May, 1810 77 

d. 11 December, 1822 79 

R. 24 April, 1817. 

d. 27 July, 1816 .... 65 

d. 11 August, 1843 . . 84 

R. 5 May, 1831. 

R. 28 August, 1810. 

d. 7 August, 1800. . . 44 

d. 3 September, 1839. 64 

d. 4 July, 1826 90 

d. 7 November, 1819. 74 

d. 22 February, 1841. 80 

Rem. 1818. 

R. 27 April, 1815. 

d. 12 May, 1811. .. . 42 

R. 26 January, 1826. 

Rem. December, 1817. 

d. 23 February, 1848 . 80 

R. 25 August, 1812. 

d. 29 February, 1816 . 71 

Rem. 1818. 

d. 25 April, 1826 ... 47 

d. 17 March, 1818 ... 41 

d. 2 September, 1827 77 

d. 10 January, 1821 . 69 

d. 24 August, 1849 . . 76 

d. 19 November, 1840 67 

d. 9 June, 1812 ... . 28 

d. 4 April, 1831 .... 82 

d. 10 July, 1829 .... 64 

R. 25 April, 1816. 

d. 22 October, 1830 . . 54 

d. 8 March, 1873 ... 88 

R. 26 January, 1826. 

R. 10 January, 1856. 

d. 20 January, 1861 . 78 

R. 18 November, 1841. 

R. 25 January, 1827. 

d. 9 March, 1830 ... 51 

d. 10 September, 1845 66 

d. 8 May, 1845 61 

d. 31 October, 1821 . . 55 
R. 25 April, 1844. 

d. 29 December, 1856 66 
R. 5 May, 1831. 

d. 5 May, 1846 .... 69 
R. 26 December, 1844. 

d. 1 August, 1853. . . 84 

d. 30 April, 1848 ... 61 

d. 5 February, 1825 . 72 

d. 8 February, 1863 . 78 

d. 24 November, 1847 64 

d. 15 January, 1865 . 70 

d. 4 October, 1853 . . 69 

d. 24 October, 1852. . 70 




♦Rev. William Jenks, LL.D 

*James Bowdoin, A.M 

*Rev. Henry Ware, Jr., D.D 

♦William Jones Spooner, A.M 

♦Rev. Ezra Shaw Goodwin, A.M 

♦Hon. John Lowell, LL.D 

*fHon. Theodore Lyman, Jr., A.M 

*Samuel Pickering Gardner, A.M 

♦Gamaliel Bradford, M.D 

♦Rev. Francis William Pitt Greenwood, D.D. 

♦tHon. John Gorham Palfrey, LL.D 

,, ,, ,, ,, re-elected 
*t Caleb Hopkins Snow, M.D 

♦Jared Sparks, LL.D 

♦Benjamin Merrill, LL.D 

♦Joseph Emerson Wercester, LL.D 

♦tJoshua Coffin, A.M 

*Hon. Nathan Dane, LL.D 

♦Joseph Willard, A.M. 

*tHon. Alexander Hill Everett, LL.D. . . . 

♦Lemuel Shattuck, Esq 

♦Isaac P Davis, Esq 

♦tAlonzb Lewis, Esq 

♦Rev. Joseph Barlow Felt, LL.D 

♦Hon. Lemuel Shaw, LL.D 

♦tHon. James Trecothick Austin, LL.D. . . 

♦Rev. Benjamin Blydenburgh Wisner, D.D. 

♦Rev. Con vers Francis, D.D 

♦Hon. John Welles, A.M 

♦tHon. Charles Wentworth Upham, A.M. . 
,, ,, ,, ,, re-elected 

♦William Lincoln, A.B 

♦George Ticknor, LL.D 

♦Rev. John Codman, D.D 

♦Hon. Nathan Appleton, LL.D 

♦fHon. George Bancroft, LL.D 

♦Rev. Alexander Young, D.D 

♦Hon. Rufus Choate, LL.D 

♦Hon. John Glen King, A.M 

♦tRev Samuel Sewall, A.M . 

♦Hon. Daniel Appleton White, LL.D. . . . 

♦tWilliam Gibbs, Esq 

♦t Josiah Bartlett, M.D 

♦Hon. Simon Greenleaf, LL.D 

♦tHon. Francis Baylies 

♦William Hickling Prescott, LL.D 

♦Hon. Robert Charles Winthrop, LL.D. . . 
♦tRev. William Cogswell, D.D 

♦Rev. Alvan Lamson, D.D 

♦Hon. Nathaniel Morton Davis, A.M. ... 

♦Hon. Charles Francis Adams, LL.D. . ' . 

♦Hon. Samuel Hoar, LL.D 

♦Rev. William Parsons Lunt, D.D 

♦Rev. George Edward Ellis, LL.D 

♦Hon. John Chipman Gray, LL.D 

♦Hon. George Stillman Hillard, LL.D. . . . 

♦tOliver William Bourn Peabodv, A.M. . . 





Boston .... 

27 August, 1821 

. d. 13 November, 1866 


,, .... 

11 11 11 

. . d. 6 March, 1833 . . . 


Cambridge . 

31 January, 1822 

. d. 22 September, 1843 


Boston .... 

25 April, ,, 

. d. 17 October, 1824 . . 


Sandwich . . 

n ii ii 

. d. 5 February, 1833 . 


Boston . . . , . 

30 January, 1823 

. d. 12 March, 1840 . . 


,, .... 

24 April, ,, 

. R. 30 May, 1836. 

,, .... 

24 August, 1824 

. d. 18 December, 1843 


Cambridge . 

28 April, 1825 . 

. d. 22 October, 1839 . . 


Boston .... 

ii ii ii 

. . d. 2 August, 1843 . . 


Cambridge . 

ii ii ii 

. R. 28 June, 1838. 


30 June, 1842 . . 

. R. 17 April, 1854. 

Boston .... 

. 29 August, 1826 

. R. 26 February, 1835. 

Cambridge . 

ii ii ii 

. d. 14 March, 1866 . . . 


Salem .... 

11 51 11 

. d. 30 July, 1847 .... 


Cambridge . . 

26 April, 1827 

. d. 27 October, 1865 . . 


Newbury . . . 

28 August, „ 

. Rem. December, 1835. 

Beverlv . . . 

19 February, 1829 . d. 15 February, 1835 . 


Lancaster . . 

11 11 :i 

. d. 12 May, 1865 


Boston .... 

24 August, 1830 

. Rem. 1841. 

,, .... 

ii ii ii 

. d. 17 January, 1859 . 



ii n ii 

. d. 13 January, 1855 . 



ii ii ii 

. R. 1 January, 1844. 


ii ii ii 

. d. 8 September, 1869 



5 May, 1831 . . 

. d. 30 March, 1861 . . 



t> ii ii ' • 

. R. 10 January, 1856. 


ii 11 ii • • 

. d. 9 February, 1835 . 


Watertown . . 

„ ,, ,, . . 

. d. 7 April, 1863 .... 



26 January, 1832 

. d. 25 September, 1855 



,, ,, ,, 

. R. 19 May, 1852. 

■>■> .... 

14 November, 18( 

57 d. 15 June, 1875. . . . 


Worcester . . 

26 January, 1832 

. d. 5 October, 1843 . . 



25 July, 1833 . . . 

. d. 26 January, 1871 . 


Dorchester . . 

,, „ ,, . . . 

. d. 23 December, 1847 



26 June, 1834 . . 

. d. 14 July, 1861 



ii ii ii • • 

. Rem. December, 1849. 


25 June, 1835 . . . 

. d. 16 March, 1854 . . . 



ii ii ii ' • 

. d. 13 July, 1859 



' ii ii ii • • • 

. d. 26 July, 1857 


Burlington . . 

28 January, 1836 

. R. 29 August, 1837. 


26 May, 

. d. 30 March, 1861 . . 


Lexington . . 

30 August, ,, 

. R. 27 March, 1851. 

Concord . . . . 

, ,, ,, 

. R. 12 March, 1857. 

Cambridge . 

23 November, 18-: 

7 d. 6 October, 1853 . . 


Taunton . . . 

it ii i 

R. 30 March, 1848. 


26 July, 1838 . . . 

. d. 28 January, 1859 . 



31 October, 1839 

. d. 16 November, 1894 



26 December, „ 

. Rem. April, 1841. 

Dedham . . . 

30 April, 1840 . . 

. d. 18 July, 1864 . . . 


Plymouth . . 

30 Jul}-, „ 

. d. 29 July, 1848 .... 



25 March, 184 

1 d. 21 November, 1886 


Concord . . . . 

30 September, ,, 

d. 2 November, 1856 


Quincv . . . . 

'! 11 11 

d. 21 March, 1857 . . 



28 October, ,, 

d. 20 December, 1894 


ii • . • • 

30 December, „ 

d. 3 March, 1881 . . . 


ii - • ' • 

26 October, 184 

3 d. 21 January, 1879 . 


,, ■ . . . 

)> ii ii 

d. 4 April, 1870 .... 


11 . . . . 

ii ii ii 

Rem. August, 1845. 


•Hon. William Minot, A.M 

*IIon. Peleg Whitman Chandler, LL.D. . . 
•tRev. George Washington Blagden, D.D. . 

•Rev. Lucius Robinson Paige, D.D 

*IIon. Solomon Lincoln, A.M 

*Rev. Chandler Kobbins, D.D 

♦i Francis Bowen, LL.D 

•John Langdon Sibley, A.M 

•Hon. Richard Frothingham, LL.D 

♦Hon. Nathaniel Bradstreet Shurtleff, M.D. 

♦Henry Wheatland, M.D. 

♦Thaddeus William Harris, M.D 

♦tRev. William Ives Budington, D.D 

♦Sylvester Judd, Esq 

*Hon. David Sears, A.M 

♦Thomas Hopkins Webb, M.D. . , 

♦Charles Deane, LL.D 

♦George Livermore, A.M! 

♦tRev. William Barry, D.D 

♦Francis Parkman, LL.D 

♦tKllis Ames, A.M 

♦t Samuel Eliot, LL.D 

,, ,, re-elected 

♦Hon. John Henry Clifford, LL.D 

♦Hon. William Brigham, A.M 

♦Hon. Abbott Lawrence, LL.D 

♦Hon. Emory Washburn, LL.D 

•Rev. Samuel Kirkland Lothrop, LL.D. . . 

•Rev. William Newell, D.D 

♦Hon. Lorenzo Sabine, A.M 

♦Col. Thomas Aspinwall, A.M 

♦Rev. John Stetson Barry, A.M 

♦John Amory Lowell, LL.D 

♦Lucius Manlius Sargent, A.M 

♦Cornelius Conway Felton, LL.D 

♦Hon. John Lothrop Motley, LL.D 

♦Nathaniel Ingersoll Bowditch, A.M 

•George Robert Russell, LL.D 

♦Hon. Charles Henry Warren, A.M 

♦Rev. James Walker, LL.D 

♦Rev. Edmund Hamilton Sears, D.D. . . . 

♦Oliver Wendell Holmes, LL.D 

•Hon. William Hyslop Sumner, A.M. . . . 

•Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, LL.D. . . 

♦Frederic Tudor, Esq 

•tRev. Frederic Henry Hedge, D.D 

♦Jacob Bigelow, LL.D 

♦tHon. George Thomas Davis, LL.B 

•Hon. Stephen Salisbury, LL.D 

•Henry Austin Whitney, A.M 

•Hon. LntherT Bell, LL.D 

•Rev. William Stoodley Uartlet, A.M. . . . 

•tJosiafa Gilbert Holland, M.D 

•Rev. Charles Brooks, A.M 

•Hon. William Sturgis 

•Hon. Leverett Saltonstall, A.M 

•Hon. William Appleton 

•tRev. Alonzo Hall Quint, D.D 






23 November, 


d. 2 June, 1873 .... 


11 .... 

25 January, 1844 . 

d. 28 May, 1889 



29 February, 

» • 

R. 14 February, 1884. 

Cambridge . . 

30 May, 

ii • 

d. 2 September, 1896 . 


Hingham . . . 

30 January, 1845 . 

d. 1 December, 1881 . 


Boston .... 

4 December, 

ii ' 

d. 11 September, 1882 


Cambridge . . 

ii ii 


R. 14 February, 1878. 

>> • • 

1 January, 1846 . 

d. 9 December, 1885 . 


Charlestown . 

30 July, 

ii • 

d. 29 January, 1880 . 


Boston .... 

25 March, 1847 . . 

d. 17 October, 1874 . . 



27 January, 1848 . 

d. 27 February, 1893 . 


Cambridge . . 

„ ,, 


d. 16 January, 1856 . 


Charlestown . 

30 March, 


Rem. July, 1854. 


27 April, 


d. 18 April, 1860 . . . 


Boston .... 

ii ii 

11 • 

d. 14 January, 1871 . 


Quincy .... 

28 September, 

11 ' 

d. 2 August, 1866 . . 


Cambridge . . 

25 October, 


d. 13 November, 1889 


11 ' ' 

22 November, 


d. 30 August, 1865 . . 



31 January, 1850 . 

Rem. 1853. 


26 February, 1852 . 

d. 8 November, 1893 . 


Canton .... 

12 August, 


R. 9 October, 1884. 

Brookline . . . 

10 March, 1853 . . 

Rem. 24 June, 1856. 


20 April, 1865 

d. 14 September, 1898 


New Bedford. 

13 October, 


d. 2 January, 1876 . . 



8 December, 


d. 9 July, 1869 



11 V 


d. 18 August, 1855 . . 


Worcester . . 

8 June, 


d. 18 March, 1877 



ii ii 


d. 12 June, 1886 


Cambridge . . 

14 December, 


d. 28 October, 1881 . 


Framingham . 

11 » 


d. 14 April, 1877 . . . 



12 April, 


d. 11 August, 1876 . . 


Roxburv. • . . 

8 November, 


d. 11 December, 1872 



ii ii 


d. 31 October, 1881 . . 


West Roxbury 13 March, 


d. 2 June, 1867 


Cambridge . . 

ii ii 


d. 26 February, 1862. 



9 October, 


d. 29 May, 1877 



11 December, 


d. 16 April, 1861 . . . 


Jamaica Plain 

8 January, 


d. 5 August, 1866 . . . 



12 March, 


d. 29 June, 1874 . . . 


Cambridge . . 

14 May, 


d. 23 December, 1874 


Wa viand . . . 

13 August, 


d. 19 January, 1876 . 



10 September, 


d. 7 October, 1894 . . 


Jamaica Plain 

10 December, 


d. 24 October, 1861 . . 


Cambridge . . 

ii ii 


d. 24 March, 1882 . . . 



14 January, 


d. 6 February, 1864 . 


Brookline . . . 

ii ii 


R. 9 November, 1876. 


11 February, 


d. 10 January, 1879 . 


Greenfield . . 

,, „ 


R. 9 November, 1871. 

Worcester . . 

11 March, 


d. 24 August, 1884 . . 



„ „ 


d. 21 February, 1889 . 


Charlestown . 

8 April, 


d. 11 February, 1862. 


Chelsea .... 

ii ii 


d. 12 December, 1883 


Springfield . . 

13 May, 


Rem. 14 October, 1871 

Med ford . . . 

> i> 


d. 7 July, 1872 



17 June, 


d. 21 October, 1863 . 


Newton .... 

11 II 


d. 15 April, 1895 . . . 



8 duly, 


d. 15 February, 1862 . 


Jamaica Plain 

„ „ 


R. 9 December, 1880. 




*Hon. Thomas Greaves Cary, A.M 

*Samuel Foster Haven, LL.D 

*fGeorge Ticknor Curtis, A.M 

*Hon. Richard Henry Dana, LL.D 

*Edward Augustus Crowninshield, A.M. . 

*Hon. Levi Lincoln, LL.D 

*Joseph Palmer, M.D 

*Hon. George Tyler Bigelow, LL.D 

*Hon. Caleb Cushing, LL.D 

*Henry "Warren Torrey, LL.D 

♦Hon." Joel Parker, LL.D 

*Williams Latham, A.B 

*Hon. Charles Hudson, A.M 

*Rev. Robert Cassie Waterston, A.M. . . . 

*fHon. Theophilus Parsons, LL.D 

*Thomas Coffin Amory, A.M 

*George Sumner, Esq 

*Rev. Charles Mason, D.D 

*Hon. Benjamin Franklin Thomas, LL.D. . 

Hon. Samuel Abbott Green, LL.D 

*Hon. James Murray Robbins 

Charles Eliot Norton, D.C.L 

*Hon. John James Babson 

Rev. Edward Everett Hale, D.D 

*Robert Bennet Forbes, Esq 

*Rev. Andrew Preston Peabody, D.D 

*Hon. Theron Metcalf, LL.D 

* William Gray Brooks, Esq 

Hon. Horace Gray, LL.D 

*Hon. Charles Greely Loring, LL.D 

*Charles Folsom, A.M 

*Rev. Edwards Amasa Park, LL.D 

*Amos Adams Lawrence, A.M 

*fRev. William Augustus Stearns, LL.D. . 

*Charles Sprague, A.M 

*Hon. Francis Edward Parker, LL.B. . . . 

*William Henry Whitmore, A.M 

*George Barrell Emerson, LL.D 

*Hon. James Russell Lowell, LL.D 

*Rev. Nicholas Hoppin, D.D 

*Nathaniel Thayer, A.M 

*Erastus Brigham Bigelow, LL.D 

*Hon. William Crowninshield Endicott,LL.D. 
*Hon. Ebenezer Rockwood Hoar, LL.D. . 
*Hon. Seth Ames, A.M 

Josiah Phillips Quincy, A.M 

*George Bemis, LL.B 

f John Foster Kirk, LL.D 

*Hon. John Albion Andrew, LL.D 

Henry Gardner Denny, A.M 

*fRev. Thomas Hill, LL.D 

Charles Card Smith, A.M 

*George Silsbee Hale, A.M 

*Jeffries Wyman, M.D 

*John Appleton, M.D. 

*Robert Means Mason, Esq. . . . 

William Sumner Appleton, A.M 

*Rev. Henry Martyn Dexter, LL.D 






11 August, 1858 

d. 3 July, 1859 


Worcester . . 

11 11 11 

d. 5 September, 1881. 


West Roxbmy 9 September, „ 

Rem. 1862. 

Cambridge . . 

11 11 11 

d. 6 January, 1882 . . 



9 December, „ 

d. 20 February, 1859 . 


Worcester . . 

13 January, 1859 . 

d. 29 May, 1868 



v ii ii • 

d. 3 March, 1871 . . . 


,, .... 

10 February, „ . 

d. 12 April, 1878 . . . 



ii ii ii 

d. 2 January, 1879 . . 


Cambridge . . 

10 March, „ . 

d. 14 December, 1893 



12 May, „ . 

d. 17 August, 1875 . . 


Bridgewater . 

ii ii ii 

d. 6 November, 1883 . 


Lexington . . 

9 June, „ . 

d. 4 May, 1881 



ii ii n • 

d. 21 February, 1893 . 


Cambridge . . 

8 September, „ . 

R. 9 May, 1878. 


„ „ „ . 

d. 20 August, 1889 . . 



10 November, „ . 

d. 6 October, 1863 . . 



„ „ „ . 

d. 23 March, 1862 . . 


Jamaica Plain 

12 January, 1860 . 

d. 27 September, 1878 



ii ii ii 


14 June, „ . 

d. 2 November, 1885 . 


Cambridge . . 

ii ii ii 

Gloucester . . 

8 November, „ . 

d. 13 April, 1886 . . . 



10 January, 1861 . 


ii » ii • 

d. 23 November, 1889 


Cambridge . . 

14 February, „ . 

d. 10 March. 1893 . . 



ii ii ii 

d. 14 November, 1875 



11 April, „ . 

d. 6 January, 1879 . . 




ii ii ii 
9 May, „ . 

d. 8 October, 1867 . . 


Cambridge . . 

n ii ii 

d. 8 November, 1872 . 


Andover . . . 

12 September, „ . 

d. 4 June, 1900 .... 


Brookline . . 

10 October, „ . 

d. 22 August, 1886 . . 


Amherst . . . 

13 February, 1862 . 

R. 9 February, 1871. 


„ „ „ . 

d. 22 January, 1875 . 



12 February, 1863 . 

d. 18 January, 1886 . 



11 11 91 • 

d. 14 June, 1900 ... 



9 April, „ . 

d. 4 March, 1881 . . . 


Cambridge . . 

14 May, „ . 

d. 12 August, 1891. . 


„ ... 

14 January, 1864 . 

d. 8 March, 1886 . . . 



11 February, „ . 

d. 7 March, 1883 . . . 



14 April, „ . 

d. 6 December, 1879 . 



ii »> ii 

d. 6 May, 1900 


Concord .... 

12 May, „ . 

d. 31 January, 1895 . 



8 December, „ . 

d. 15 August, 1881 . . 


Quincy .... 

11 May, 1865 . 


13 July, „ . 

d. 5 January, 1878 . . 


Dorchester . . 

9 November, „ . 

R. 10 November, 1870 



8 February, 1866 . 
13 December, „ . 

d. 30 October, 1867 . 


Waltham . . . 

14 February, 1867 . 

Rem. July, 1872. 


11 April, „ . 


„ „ „ . 

d. 27 July, 1897 


Cambridge . . 

9 July, 1868 

d. 4 September, 1874 . 


n • • 

14 January, 1869 . 

d. 4 February, 1869 . 



ii ii ii 
13 May, „ . 

d. 13 March, 1879 . . 


? > 

12 August, „ . 

d. 13 November, 1890 





*IIon. Theodore Lyman, LL.D 

*H(lmun(l Quincy, A.M 

fllon. William Thomas Davis, A.B 

•Rev. George Punchard, A.M 

Abner Cheney Goodell, Jr., A.M 

•William Amory, A.M 

Edward Doubleday Harris, Esq 

♦Ralph Waldo Emerson, LL.D 

♦Augustus Thorndike Perkins, A.M 

•Hon. Mellen Chamberlain, LL.D 

Winslow Warren, LL.B 

♦Francis Winthrop Palfrey, A.M 

♦Charles Wesley Tuttle, Ph.D 

♦Hon. Benjamin Robbins Curtis, LL.D. . . 
♦Hon. Charles Sumner, LL.D 

Charles William Eliot, LL.D 

♦fWilliam Gray, A.M 

♦Delano Alexander Goddard, A.M 

♦Rev. Henry Wilder Foote, A.M 

♦Charles Callahan Perkins, A.M 

♦Charles Franklin Dunbar, LL.D 

♦Hon. Charles Devens, LL.D 

Charles Francis Adams, LL.D 

William Phineas Upham, A.B 

♦Hon. Alexander Hamilton Bullock, LL.D. 
♦Fitch Edward Oliver, M.D 

Hon. William Everett, LL.D 

George Bigelow Chase, A.M 

Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, LL.D 

John Torrey Morse, Jr., A.B 

•Justin Winsor, LL.D 

James Elliot Cabot, LL.D 

♦George Dexter, A.M 

♦II Ion. Gustavus Vasa Fox 

♦Henry Lee, A.M 

Gamaliel Bradford, A.B 

Rev. Edward .lames Young, D.D 

♦Hon. John Lowell, LL.D 

♦Abbott Lawrence, A.M 

•Rev. James Freeman Clarke, D.D 

*Rt. Rev. Phillips Brooks, D.D 

♦William Whitwell Greenough, A.B 

Robert Charles Winthrop, -Jr., A.M 

Henry Williamson Haynes, A.M 

Thomas Wentworth Higginson, LL.D. . . 

♦Rev. Edward Griilin Porter, A.M 

♦John Codman Ropes, LL.D 

"Hon. Paul Ansel Cliadboume, LL.D. . . . 

Rev. Henry Fitch Jenks, A.M 

♦ Hon. Samuel Crocker Cobb 

Horace Elisha Scudder, Litt. 1) 

Kev. Edmund Farwell Slafter, D.D 

Hon. Stephen Salisbury, A.M 

John Tyler Bassam, A.M 

Rev. Alexander UcKenzie, D.D 

♦.lolur Charles Phillips, A.B 

Arthur Lord, A.B 

Arthur Blake Ellis, LL.B 





Brookline . . 

11 November, 1869 

d. 9 September, 1897 . 


Dedham . . . 

9 December, „ 

d. 17 May, 1877 


Plvmouth . . 

12 May, 1870 

R. 14 May, 1880. 


8 December, „ 

. d. 2 April, 1880 



9 March, 1871 . 


13 April, „ . 

d. 8 December, 1888 . 


Cambridge . . 

11 May, „ . 

Concord . . . 

15 June, ,, . 

d. 27 April, 1882 . . . 



8 February, 1872 . 

d. 21 April, 1891 . . . 


Chelsea . . . . 

9 January, 1873 

d. 25 June, 1900 .... 


Dedham . . . 

ii ii ii 


13 February, ,, 

d. 5 December, 1889 . 



ii ii ii 

d. 18 July, 1881 



8 May, 

d. 15 September, 1874 



9 October, ,, 

d. 11 March, 1874. . . 


Cambridge . . 

„ „ ,, 


14 May, 1874 

R. 9 October, 1884. 


8 October, „ 

d. 11 January, 1882 . 



12 November, „ 

d. 29 May, 1889 



10 December, „ 

. d. 25 August, 1886 . . 


Cambridge . . 

11 February, 1875 

d. 29 January, 1900 . 


Worcester . . 

11 March, „ 

d. 7 January, 1891 . . 


Quincy . . . . 

15 April, „ 


11 November, „ 

Worcester . . 

9 December, „ 

. d. 17 January, 1882 . 



13 January, 1876 

d. 8 December, 1892 . 


Cambridge . . 

8 March, 


9 November, „ 

Nahant . . . . 

14 December, „ 


11 January, 1877 


14 June, „ 

d. 22 October, 1897 . . 


Brookline . . 

8 November, „ 

Cambridge . . 

ii ii ii 

d. 18 December, 1883 



13 December, „ 

Rem. October, 1882. 


14 March, 1878 

d. 24 November, 1898 


Grantville . . 

10 April, „ 

Cambridge . . 

13 June, „ 

Newton . . . . 

12 September, „ 

d. 14 May, 1897. . . . 



12 December, „ 

. d. 6 July, 1893 .... 



13 March, 1879 . 

. d. 8 June, 1888 



ii ii ii 

d. 23 January, 1893 . 



10 April, „ 

d. 17 June, 1899. . . . 



8 May, 


12 June, „ 

Cambridge . . 

12 February, 1880 

Lexington . . 

6 April, „ 

d. 5 February, 1900 . 



10 June, ,, 

d. 28 October, 1899 . . 



„ „ ,, 

d. 23 Februarv, 1883 . 



10 February, 1881 


12 May, 

d. 18 February, 1891 . 


Cambridge . . 

n » ii 


13 October, „ 

Worcester . . 

10 November, ,, 


>' ii »i 

Cambridge . . 

8 December, .. 

Boston .... 

12 .January, 1882 

d. 1 March, 1885 . . . 


Plymouth . . 

9 February, ,. 

Boston .... 

9 March, „ 




*Hon. Henry Morris, LL.D 

*Clement Hugh Hill, A.M 

*Kear-Admiral George Henry Preble .... 

Frederick Ward Putnam, A.M 

James McKellar Bugbee, Esq 

Hon. John Davis Washburn, LL.B 

Rev. Egbert Coffin Smyth, D.D 

*Francis Amasa Walker, LL.D 

Rev. Arthur Latham Perry, LL.D 

Hon. John Elliot Sanford, LL.D 

Uriel Haskell Crocker, LL.B 

*Hon. Martin Brimmer, A.B 

Hon. Roger Wolcott, LL.D 

*William Goodwin Russell, LL.D 

*Edward Jackson Lowell, A.M 

Edward Channing, Ph.D 

*Hon. Lincoln Flagg Brigham, LL.D. . . . 
*Edward Bangs, LL.B 

Samuel Foster McCleary, A.M 

William Watson Goodwin, D.C.L 

Hon. George Frisbie Hoar, LL.D 

Rev. Alexander Viets Griswold Allen, D.D. 

Charles Greely Loring, A.M 

*Rev. Octavius Brooks Frothingham, A.M. 

Solomon Lincoln, A.M 

Edwin Pliny Seaver, A.M 

Albert Bushnell Hart, Ph.D 

Thornton Kirkland Lothrop, LL.B 

*George Otis Shattuck, LL.B 

James Bradley Thayer, LL.D 

Hon. Henry Stedman Nourse, A.M 

Henry Fitz-Gilbert Waters, A.M 

*Edwin Lassetter Bynner, LL.B 

*Hamilton Andrews Hill, LL.D 

*Hon. William Steele Shurtleff, A.M. . . . 

Abbott Lawrence Lowell, LL.B 

♦Benjamin Marston Watson, A.B 

Rev. Samuel Edward Herrick, D.D 

Hon. Oliver Wendell Holmes, LL.D. . . . 

Henry Pickering Walcott, M.D 

John Fiske, LL.D 

George Spring Merriam, A.M 

*Edward Lillie Pierce, LL.D 

Hon. Charles Russell Codman, LL.B. . . . 

Barrett Wendell, A.B 

James Ford Rhodes, LL.D 

Hon. Edward Francis Johnson, LL.B. . . 
*Hon. Walbridge Abner Field, LL.D. . . . 

Henry Walbridge Taft, A.M 

Rt. Rev. William Lawrence, D.D 

William Roscoe Thayer, A.M 

Rev. Morton Dexter, A.M 

Hon. Thomas Jefferson Coolidge, A.M. . . 

Hon. William Wallace Crapo, LL.D. . . . 

Hon. Francis Cabot Lowell, A.B 

Granville Stanley Hall, LL.D 

Alexander Agassiz, LL.D 

Hon. James Madison Barker, LL.D 


Springfield . . 9 March, 1882 

Boston 11 May, „ 

Brookline . . . „ „ „ 

Cambridge . . 9 November, ,, 

Boston „ „ „ 

Worcester . . 14 December, „ 

Andover ... „ „ „ 

Boston 10 May, 1883 . . . 

Williamstown „ ,, ,, ... 

Taunton ... 10 January, 1884 

Boston 14 February, „ 

„ 13 March, „ 

„ 10 April, 

,, 13 November, „ 

» >> >> » 

Cambridge . . 11 December, „ 

Salem 14 May, 1885 . . . 

Boston 11 June, ,, ... 

,, 11 February, 1886 

Cambridge . . 14 October, ,, 

Worcester . . 11 November, ,, 
Cambridge . . 9 December, ,, 

Boston 13 Januarj', 1887 

,, 10 February, ,, 

, 10 November, „ 

Newton .... 8 December, ,, 

Cambridge . . 10 January, 1889 

Boston 11 April, „ 

,, 13 June, ,, 

Cambridge . . 10 October, ,, 

Lancaster ... 14 November, ,, 

Salem 9 January, 1890 

Boston 13 February, „ 

,, 13 March, „ 

Springfield . . 13 November, ,, 

Boston 11 December, „ 

Plymouth ... 12 February, 1891 

Boston 12 March, „ 

,, 14 May, „ 

Cambridge . . 11 June, „ 

„ . . 10 March, 1892 . 
Springfield . . 9 June, „ 

Milton 9 March, 1893 

Cotuit 13 April, „ 

Boston 8 June, „ 

Cambridge . . 14 December, „ 
Woburn ... 8 February, 1894 

Boston 12 April, „ 

Pittsfield ... 10 May, „ 

Cambridge.. 14 June, „ 

,, . . 11 October, „ 

Boston 14 March, 1895 

Manchester . 9 May, „ 

New Bedford 14 November, „ 

Boston 9 January, 1896 

Worcester . . 13 February, „ 

Cambridge . . 12 March, „ 

Pittsfield ... 9 April, „ 


d. 4 June, 1888 .... 73 

d. 12 December, 1898 62 

d. 1 March, 1885 ... 69 

d. 5 January, 1897 . . 56 

d. 6 February, 1896 . 74 

d. 11 May, 1894 48 

d. 27 February, 1895 . 75 

d. 16 February, 1894 68 

d. 27 November, 1895 73 

d. 23 February, 1897 67 

d. 5 August, 1893 ... 51 

d. 27 April, 1895 ... 68 

d. 14 January, 1896 . 65 

d. 19 February, 1896 . 76 

d. 6 September, 1897 

d. 15 July, 1899 66 




Col. Theodore Ayrault Dodge 

*IIon. Henry Lillie Pierce 

Thomas Corwin Mendenhall, LL.D 

Rev. Leverett Wilson Spring, D.D 

Major William Etoscoe Livermore 

Hon. Richard Olney, LL.D 

Laden Carr, A.M 

James Schouler, LL.D 

Hon. John Summerfield Brayton, LL.D. . 

Rev. George Angier Gordon, D.D 

John Chipman Gray, LL.D 

Hon. George Harris Monroe 

Rev. James De Normandie, D.D 

Andrew McFarland Davis, A.M 

Archibald Cary Coolidge, Ph.D 

John Noble, LL.B 

Robert Noxon Toppan, LL.B 

Charles Pickering Bowditch, A.M 

Rev. Edward Henry Hall, A.B 

James Frothingham Ilunnewell, A.M. . . 

Hon. Daniel Henry Chamberlain, LL.D. . 
♦Augustus Lowell, A.M 

Melville Madison Bigelow, LL.D 

Rev. Elijah Winchester Donald, D.D. 


Brookline ... 14 May, 1896 

Boston 12 November, „ 

Worcester . . 14 January, 1897 

Williamstown 11 February, „ 

Boston 8 April, „ 

„ 13 May, „ 

Cambridge . . 10 June, „ 

Boston 9 December, „ 

Fall River . . 13 January, 1898 

Boston 10 February, ,, 

,, 10 March, „ 

Brookline ... 14 April, „ 

Boston 9 June, „ 

Cambridge . . 13 October, ,, 

. . 9 February, 1899 

Boston 9 March, ,, 

Cambridge . . 11 May, ,, 

Boston 9 November, ,, 

Cambridge . . 14 December, ,, 

Boston 11 January, 1900 

West Brookfield 8 February, „ 

Boston 8 March, „ 

Cambridge . . 12 April, „ 

Boston 10 May, „ 


d. 17 December, 1896 71 

d. 22 June, 1900 ... 70 



*Ebenezer Hazard, Esq Philadelphia, Penn 29 May, 1792. 

*Hon. John Jay, LL.D Bedford, N. Y „ „ „ 

#fJames Perkins, Esq Then of Cape Francois, Hayti „ „ „ 

*Hon. David Ramsay, M.D Charleston, S. C „ „ „ 

*Rev. Alexander Spark Quebec, Canada „ „ „ 

*Charles Thomson, Esq Philadelphia, Penn „ „ „ 

*Noah Webster, LL.D New Haven, Conn 13 August, „ 

*Hon. Samuel Tenney, M.D Exeter, N. H 8 October, „ 

*Rev. John Erskine, LL.D Edinburgh, Scotland „ „ „ 

*Rev. Ezra Stiles, LL.D New Haven, Conn 23 „ „ 

*fHon. Edmund Randolph 1 Frederick County, Va „ „ „ 

*Hon. Nathaniel Niles, A.M Fairlee, Vt 2 January, 1793. 

*Rev. Andrew Brown, D.D Edinburgh, Scotland 30 April, „ 

*Rev. John Jones Spooner, A.M Martin's Brandon, Va 26 November, „ 

*Hon. Winthrop Sargent, A.M Natchez, Miss 28 January, 1794. 

*Rev. Christopher Daniel Ebeling Hamburg, Germany 28 October, „ 

*John Coakley Lettsom, LL.D : . London, England 27 January, 1795. 

*Sir William Jones, LL.D. 2 Calcutta, Bengal „ „ „ 

*Phineas Miller, Esq Savannah, Ga 17 August, „ 

*Hugh Williamson, LL.D Edenton, N. C 

*Rev. David MacClure, D.D East Windsor, Conn 

*James Clarke, Esq Halifax, Nova Scotia 

*Hon. St. George Tucker, LL.D Williamsburg, Va 

*Gardiner Baker, Esq New York, N. Y 

*Benjamin Smith Barton, M.D Philadelphia, Penn 26 Januarj-, 1796. 

*fHon. William Blount 1 Tennessee 25 October, „ 

*GiIbert Harrison Hubbard, A.M Demerara, Guiana 18 November, „ 

*Isaac Senter, M.D Newport, R. I „ „ „ 

*Hon. Oliver Wolcott, LL.D New York, N. Y „ „ „ 

*Rev. Asa Norton Paris, N. Y 31 January, 1797. 

*Hon. Stephen Van Rensselaer, LL.D Albany, N. Y „ „ „ 

*Hon. Henry William Desaussure Charleston, S. C 25 April, „ 

*Lemuel Kollock, M.D Savannah, Ga „ „ „ 

*Ephraim Ramsay, Esq Charleston, S. C „ „ „ 

*Rev. Timothy Dwight, LL.D New Haven, Conn 31 October, „ 

*John Dunn, LL.D Killaly, Ireland 1 December, „ 

*Elihu Hubbard Smith, M.D New York, N. Y „ 

*Samuel Latham Mitchill, LL.D „ „ 30 January, 1798. 

*Benjamin Thompson, Count Rumford .... Auteuil, France „ „ „ 

*Hon. Timothy Pickering, LL.D Then of Philadelphia, Penn 24 April, „ 

*Rev. Andrew Eliot, A.M Fairfield, Conn 30 October, „ 

*Rev. Benjamin Trumbull, D.D North Haven, Conn „ „ „ 

*Hon. Jonathan Trumbull, LL.D Lebanon, Conn 30 April, 1799. 

1 See Proceedings, vol. i. p. 10G. 2 See 2 Proceedings, vol. ii. p. 149. 



♦Benjamin De Witt, M.D Albany, N. Y. . . 18 July, 1799. 

*( laspar Wistar, M.D Philadelphia, Penn „ „ „ 

•Rev. Samuel Miller, LL.D New York, N. Y , „ „ 

•Thomas Pieronnet Demerara, Guiana 28 January, 1800. 

•Rev. Arthur Ilumer, D.D Cambridge, England „ „ „ 

*IIon. Theodore Foster, A.M Providence, R. 1 28 October, „ 

*Rev. Thomas Hall Leghorn, Italy 28 April, 1801. 

•Rev. Timothy Alden, D.D Portsmouth, N. H 1 October, „ 

♦John Newman, M.D Salisbury, N. C 27 April, 1802. 

•Rev. Ezra Sampson, A.B Hudson, N. Y 26 August, „ 

*John Vaughan, Esq Philadelphia, Penn „ „ „ 

•William Barton, A.M Lancaster, Penn 26 October, „ 

♦Ebenezer Grant Marsh, A.M New Haven, Conn 1 September, 1803. 

♦Rt. Rev. Richard Watson, D.D Calgarth Park, Westmoreland, England 31 January, 1804. 

•Anthony Fothergill, M.D Bath, England 28 August, „ 

*William Johnson, LL.D New York, N. Y 28 May, 1805. 

♦Sir Charles Mary Wentwonh, Bart., D.C.L. . Halifax, Nova Scotia „ „ „ 

♦Robert Anderson, M.D Edinburgh, Scotland 27 August, „ 

♦Hon. Samuel Eddy, LL.D Providence, R. I „ „ „ 

♦Charles Vallancey, Esq Dublin, Ireland 7 November, „ 

♦Hon. William PI inner Epping, N. H 25 August, 1807. 

♦Hon. John Wheelock, LL.D Hanover, N. II „ „ „ 

♦Jonathan Williams, Esq Philadelphia, Penn 27 October, „ 

♦Rt. Hon. Earl ol Buchan Edinburgh, Scotland 30 August, 1808. 

♦Benjamin Silliman, LL.D New Haven, Conn 7 September, „ 

♦Rev. John Bassett, A.M Albany, N. Y 29 August, 1809. 

♦Rev. John Disney, D.D The Hyde, Ingatestone, England „ „ „ 

♦Hon. John Marshall, LL.D Richmond, Va „ „ „ 

♦Constant Freeman, Esq Washington, D. C 25 April, 1811. 

♦Moses Fiske, Esq White Plains, Tenn 31 October, „ 

♦Hon. Timothy Pitkin, LL.D Farmington, Conn 25 August, 1812. 

♦Edward Jenner, LL.D Berkeley, England 29 October, „ 

♦Elkanah Watson, Esq. » Port Kent, N. Y 

♦Rev. Eliphalet Nott, LL.D Schenectady, N. Y 29 April, 1813. 

♦Hon. Elias Boudinot, LL.D Burlington, N. J „ „ „ 

♦Hon. John Cotton Smith, LL.D Sharon, Conn „ „ „ 

♦John Pintard, LL.D New York, N. Y 28 October, „ 

♦David Hosack, LL.D „ „ 27 January, 1811. 

♦John Wakefield Francis, LL.D „ „ „ » » 

♦Rev. William Harris, D.D „ „ „ „ » 

•Hon. De Witt Clinton, LL.D „ „ 28 April, „ 

♦Rev. James Richards, D.D Newark, N. J 26 January, 1815. 

♦George Chalmers, Esq London, England 25 April, 1816. 

♦Hon. Charles Humphrey Atherton, A.M. . . Amherst, N. II » » » 

♦Michael Joy, A.M Hartham Park, Chippenham, England 27 August, „ 

♦Rev. Robert Morrison, D.D Canton, China 31 October, „ 

♦Hon. Samuel Bayard, A.M Princeton, N. J 24 April, 1817. 

•Hugh McCall, Esq Savannah, Ga 30 October, „ 

•Baron Alexander von Humboldt Berlin, Prussia „ » » 

•Hon. Peter Stephen Du Ponceau, LL.D. . . . Philadelphia, Penn 29 January, 1818. 

•William Trumbull Williams. Esq Lebanon, Conn 30 April, „ 

•Jonathan Goodhue, Esq New York, N. Y 29 April, 1819. 

•Robert Southey, LL.D Keswick, England „ „ „ 

*Ilon. Gulian Crommelin Verplanck, LL.D. . New York, N. Y 27 January, 1820. 

•Eusha Hutchinson, Esq Birmingham, England 27 April, „ 

►Robert Walsh, LL.D Philadelphia, Penn 29 August, „ 

♦John Van Ness Yates, Esq Albany, N. Y „ „ „ 

' There is no evidence in the records that Klkruiah Watson was ever chosen a Corresponding Member. His name| 
appears for the Brsl Ums in B Usl in the Collections (2d series), vol. x. p. 192, issued iu 1823. See Proc, vol. i. pp. 194, 105. 



*Carlo Botta Paris, France 26 October, 1820. 

*tHon. Jeremiah Mason, LL.D Then of Portsmouth, N. H 26 April, 1821. 

♦Nathaniel Appleton Haven, Jr., A.M Portsmouth, N. H 31 January, 1822. 

♦John Farmer, A.M Amherst, N. H „ „ „ 

*Sir Walter Scott, Bart., LL.D Abbotsford, Scotland „ „ „ 

*Friedrich von Adelung Berlin, Prussia 25 April, „ 

♦William Lee, Esq Washington, D. C 27 August, „ 

*Admiral Sir Isaac Coffin, Bart., A.M London, England 31 October, „ 

*George William Erving, Esq New York, N. Y „ „ „ 

♦Samuel Williams, A.M London, England 30 October, 1823. 

*Hon. Rufus King, LL.D New York, N. Y 28 October, 182L 

♦Julius de Wallenstein Prussia „ „ „ 

*Francois de Barb^-Marbois, LL.D, Paris, France „ „ „ 

♦Gilbert Motier, Marquis de Lafayette, LL.D. „ „ „ „ „ 

♦Rev. Gregorio Funes, D.D Cordova, Tucuman, South America . . 27 October, 1825. 

*Don Manuel Moreno, M.D Buenos Ayres, „ „ . . „ „ „ 

*Don Jose" Maria Salazar Colombia, „ „ . . „ „ „ 

♦Adam Winthrop, A.M New Orleans, La 27 April, 1826. 

*Rev. John Hutchinson Blurton, England 28 August, 1827. 

*Hon. Theodoric Bland Annapolis, Md „ „ „ 

*Manuel Lorenzo Vidaurre Lima, Peru 19 February, 1829. 

*Hon. Albert Gallatin, LL.D New York, N. Y „ 

*Rev. Timothy Flint, A.B Red River, La „ „ „ 

*Prof. Charles Christian Rafn, Ph.D Copenhagen, Denmark 30 April, „ 

♦Chevalier Peder Pedersen „ „ „ „ „ 

*Thomas Chandler Haliburton, D.C.L Windsor, Nova Scotia 29 October, „ 

♦Hon. Washington Irving, LL.D Sunnyside, Tarry town, N. Y „ „ „ 

♦James Grahame, LL.D London, England „ „ „ 

*David Bailie Warden, Esq Paris, France 28 January, 1830, 

*Rev. Henry Channing, A.M New London, Conn 5 May, 1831. 

♦John Hay Farnham, A.M Salem, Ind 30 August, „ 

♦John Fanning Watson, Esq Philadelphia, Penn 26 October, „ 

♦James Dean, LL.D Burlington, Vt „ „ „ 

♦Charles Fraser, Esq Charleston, S. C 26 January, 1832. 

♦fCol. Thomas Aspinwall, A.M Then of London, England 25 July, 1833. 

♦Sir Francis Palgrave London, England „ „ „ 

*Hon. Lewis Cass, LL.D Detroit, Mich „ „ „ 

♦Rev. Jasper Adams, D.D Charleston, S. C 27 August, „ 

*Hon. Roberts Vaux Philadelphia, Penn 31 October, „ 

*Hon. Theodore Dwight, A.M New York, N. Y 27 March, 1834. 

♦Theodore Dwight, Jr., A.M „ „ „ n n 

♦James Mease, M.D Philadelphia, Penn 26 June, „ 

*Hon. William Jay, LL.D Bedford, N. Y „ „ „ 

♦Hon. Jonathan Sewall, LL.D Quebec, Canada 26 February, 1835. 

♦Sir John Caldwell, K.C.B „ „ „ „ „ 

*Sharon Turner, Esq Winchmore Hill, England 25 June, „ 

♦Francis Bayard Winthrop, A.M New Haven, Conn 29 October, „ 

♦Adrian de Laval Montmorency Paris, France 31 December, „ 

♦Ce'sar Moreau n f} 

♦John Smyth Rogers, M.D. . Hartford, Conn 

♦Erastus Smith, Esq New Haven, Conn 

♦William Schlegel Copenhagen, Denmark 

♦Finn Magnusen „ „ 

♦Col. Juan Galindo Guatemala, Central America 28 January, 1836. 

♦Hon. Henry Adams Bullard, A.M New Orleans, La 26 May, „ 

♦Hon. Richard Biddle Pittsburg, Penn „ „ „ 

♦Hon. James Kirke Paulding, A.M New York, N. Y 30 June, „ 

♦Hon. Henry Clay, LL.D Lexington, Ky 28 July, „ 

*fRev. William Allen, D.D Then of Brunswick, Me „ „ „ 



•Hon. Levi Woodbury, LL.D Portsmouth, X. II 28 July, 1836. 

*Kev. Benjamin Tappan, D.D Augusta, Maine 27 October, „ 

•Joshua Francis Fisher, A.M Philadelphia, Penn „ „ „ 

•Jacob Antoine Moerenhout Los Angeles, Cal „ „ „ 

•Usher Parsons, M.D Providence, R. 1 24 Xovember, „ 

•Hon. William Dnrkee Williamson, A.M. . . . Bangor, Maine „ „ „ 

*IIon. George Folsom, LL.D New York, X. Y 29 December, „ 

♦Peter Gerard Stuyvesant, Esq „ „ 30 March, 1837. 

*Rev. Luther Ilalsey, D.D Auburn, X. Y „ „ „ 

*Rev. John Jacob Robertson, D.D Saugerties, X. Y 26 October, „ 

•Jacobaki Rizoe Athens, Greece „ „ „ 

•Hon. Job Durfee, LL.D Tiverton, R. I „ „ 

•Hon. Andrew William Cochran, Q.C Quebec, Canada 22 February, 1838. 

*John Disney, Esq The Hyde, Ingatestone, England .... 28 June, „ 

•Rev. Francis Lister Hawks, LL.D Xew York, X. Y 26 July, „ 

•Rev. Leonard Bacon, LL.D Xew Haven, Conn „ „ „ 

♦James Luce Kingsley, LL.D „ „ 28 August, „ 

•Henri Ternaux-Compans Paris, France „ „ „ 

*John Lloyd Stephens, A.M Xew York, X. Y 27 September, „ 

•George Catlin, Esq „ „ „ „ „ 

•John Winthrop, Esq Xew Orleans, La 25 October, „ 

•Constantine Demetrius Schinas Athens, Greece „ „ „ 

•Col. William Leete Stone Xew York, X. Y 31 January, 1839. 

*Joaquim Jose Da Costa de Macedo Lisbon, Portugal 25 April, „ 

•Hon. Daniel Dewey Barnard, LL.D Albany, X. Y 27 June, „ 

•Frederic de W T aldeck Paris, France 26 September, „ 

•Israel Keech Tefft, Esq Savannah, Ga 31 October, „ 

•Hon. John Macpherson Berrien, LL.D „ „ „ „ „ 

•tEdward Jarvis, M.D Then of Louisville, Ky „ „ „ 

•Hon. David Lowry Swain, LL D Chapel Hill, X. C 26 Xovember, „ 

*IIon. James Moore Wayne, LL.D Savannah, Ga „ „ „ 

•Hon. Matthew Hall McAllister, LL.D San Francisco, Cal „ „ „ 

*Rt. Rev. William Bacon Stevens, LL.D. . . . Philadelphia, Penn 30 July, 1840. 

•Col. George Bomford Washington, D. C „ „ 

•Le Chevalier Friedrichsthal Vienna, Austria 25 August, 

•Hon. Henry Black, LL.D Quebec, Canada 29 October, „ 

•fHon. Joel Parker, LL.D Then of Keene, X. H „ 

•Rev. John Lee, LL.D Edinburgh, Scotland „ 

•Hon. Thomas Day, LL.D Hartford, Conn 31 December, „ 

•Count Jacob Graberg de Hermso, MA. . . . Florence, Italy 27 May, 1841. 

•Rev. Charles Burroughs, D.D Portsmouth, X II 24 February, 1842. 

•George Atkinson Ward, A.M New York, X. Y 17 Xovember, „ 

•Rev. Joseph Hunter, F.S.A London, England „ „ » 

•Richard Almack, F.S.A Long Melford, Suffolk, England „ 

•Rev. George Oliver. D.D Exeter, England 30 March, 1843. 

•Rev. Philip Bliss. D.C L Oxford, England „ „ „ 

•Sir Archibald Alison, Bart., D.C.I Possil House, Lanarkshire, Scotland . . 27 April, „ 

•Col. Jamee Duncan Graham U. S. Topographical Engineers 30 May, 1844. 

•Robert Lemon, Esq London, England 26 September, „ 

•Thomas Colley Grattan, Esq „ „ 26 December, „ 

• Don Pedro de Angelis Buenos Ayres, South America 30 January, 1845. 

•John Romeyne Brodhead, A.M New York, X. Y „ „ „ 

•Thomas Besl Jervis, F.R.S British Army 27 March, „ 

•Benjamin Franklin Thompson, I'.sq New York, X. Y 4 December, „ 

•Richard Griffin, Lord Braybrooke, F.S A. . . Audley End, Essex, England 7 May, 1846. 

•Ephraim George Sqnier, Esq Chillioothe, 29 June, 1848. 

•Payne Kenyon Kilbonrne, A.M Litchfield, Conn 23 Xovember, „ 

•Mi-s Frances ftanwaring Canlkins Norwich, Conn 26 April, 1849. 

•Thomas Donaldson, A.M Baltimore, Md 22 November, „ 



*Hon. George Bancroft, LL.D Washington, D. C 28 February, 1850. 

*Lucas Alaman Mexico „ „ „ 

*Hon. James Hammond Trumbull, LL.D. . . Hartford, Conn 27 June, „ 

*Robert Bigsby, LL.D Ashby-de-la-Zouch, England 27 March, 1851. 

*Theodoric Romeyne Beck, M.D Albany, N. Y 29 May, „ 

*Rev. Joseph Romilly, M.A Cambridge, England 8 July, 1852. 

#James Riker, Esq Harlem, N. Y 11 November, „ 

*Henry Bond, M.D Philadelphia, Penn 8 September, 1853. 

*Henry Stevens, F.S.A London, England „ „ „ 

*Cyrus Eaton, A.M Warren, Maine „ „ „ 

*Rt. Hon. Lord Macaulay, D.C.L London, England 11 May, 1854. 

*Henry Hallam, D.C.L „ „ „ „ „ 

*Hon. William Willis, LL.D Portland, Maine „ „ „ 

*Frederic Griffin, Esq Montreal, Canada 10 August, „ 

*John Carter Brown, A.M Providence, R. I „ „ „ 

*Hon. Elijah Hayward Columbus, Ohio „ „ „ 

*Rev. William Scott Southgate, D.D Scarborough, Maine 14 December, „ 

*Hon. Samuel Greene Arnold, LL.D Providence, R. 1 8 March, 1855. 

*Hon. Charles Stewart Daveis, LL.D Portland, Maine 10 May, „ 

*James Lenox, LL.D New York, N. Y 12 July, „ 

*John Gilmary Shea, LL.D „ „ „ „ „ 

*Rt. Rev. Samuel Wilberforce, LL.D Lavington, Sussex, England 9 August, „ 

*Winthrop Sargent, A.M Philadelphia, Penn 10 January, 1856. 

*Earl Stanhope, D.C.L Chevening, Kent, England 14 February, 

*Hon. William Cabeli Rives, LL.D Linsey's Store, Virginia 13 March, 

*Hon. John Russell Bartlett, A.M Providence, R. 1 8 May, 

*Hon. Peter Force Washington, D. C 14 August, 

*tSamuel Eliot, LL.D Then of Hartford, Conn 9 October, 

* William Paver, Esq York, England 11 December, 

*George Barth&emy Faribault, Esq Quebec, Canada 8 January, 1857. 


Elected since the Passage of the Act op 1857. 


*Rev. William Buell Sprague, LL.D Albany, N. Y 12 March, 1857 

*Francois Pierre Guillaume Guizot, LL.D. . . Paris, France 14 May, „ 

* Alexis Clerel de Tocqueville, LL.D Tocqueville, France „ „ „ 

*William Durrant Cooper, F.S.A London, England „ „ „ 

*Rev. Samuel Osgood, LL.D New York, N. Y 9 July, „ 

*Edmund Burke O'Callaghan, LL.D Albany, N. Y 10 September, „ 

*Buckingham Smith, Esq St. Augustine, Fla „ „ „ 

*Benjamin Franklin French, Esq New Orleans, La „ „ „ 

*Francis Lieber, LL.D New York, N. Y 14 January, 1858. 

*Rt. Hon. Lord Lyndhurst, LL.D London, England 11 February, „ 

*Hon. William Henry Trescot Charleston, S. C „ „ „ 

*Count Jules de Menou Paris, France 8 April, „ 

*Richard Hildreth, A.M New York, N. Y 13 May, „ 

*tRev. Andrew Preston Peabody, D.D Then of Portsmouth, N. H „ „ „ 

*Hon. Richard Rush, A.M Philadelphia, Penn 17 June, „ 

*Hon. George Perkins Marsh, LL.D Burlington, Vt „ „ „ 

*John George Kohl, LL.D Bremen, Germany 11 August, „ 

*Hon. Albert Gorton Greene, A.M Providence, R. 1 14 October, „ 

*Hon. John Pendleton Kennedy, LL.D Baltimore, Md „ „ „ 



*IIon. John Jordan Crittenden, LL.D Frankfort, Ky 10 February, 1859. 

♦Benjamin Robert Winthrop, Esq New York, N. Y „ n n 

•Hon. Edward Coles Philadelphia, Penn 10 March, „ 

•James Carson Brevoort, LL.D New York, N. Y „ „ „ 

*Baron Charles Dapin Paris, France 14 April, „ 

*Edme Francois Joinard ,, ,, „ „ „ 

»Hon. Henry Dilwortfa Gilpin Philadelphia, Penn „ „ „ 

*Hon. Robert Ilallowell Gardiner, A.M Gardiner, Me 12 May, „ 

*Rt. Rev. Lord Arthur Charles Hervey, D.D. Wells, England „ „ „ 

*Horatio Gates Somerby, Esq London, England „ „ „ 

*George Henry Moore, LL.D New York, N. Y 9 June, „ 

•Francois Auguste Alexis Mignet Paris, France 12 April, 18G0. 

*IIon. William Read Staples, LL.D Providence, R. I „ „ „ 

*Count Adolphe de Circourt Paris, France 8 November, „ 

*Hon. James Lewis Petigru, LL.D Charleston, S. C 14 February, 1861. 

* William Cullen Bryant, LL.D New York, N. Y „ 

*Hon. Hugh Blair Grigsby, LL.D Norfolk, Va „ „ „ 

•Very Rev. Henry Hart Milman, D.D London, England 11 April, „ 

*William Noel Sainsbury, Esq ,, ,, „ „ „ 

*Hon. Horace Binney, LL.D Philadelphia, Penn 9 May, „ 

•Samuel Austin Allibone, LL.D New York, N. Y „ „ „ 

*William Winthrop, Esq Valetta, Malta „ „ „ 

*Henry Tuke Parker, A.M London, England 13 June, „ 

•Benson John Lossing, LL.D Dover Plains, N. Y 11 July, „ 

*Rev. Leonard Woods, LL.D Brunswick, Maine 14 November, „ 

*Lieut.-Gen. Winfield Scott, LL.D Washington, D. C „ „ „ 

•Lyman Copeland Draper, LL.D Madison, Wis 12 December, „ 

*Count Ag«5nor de Gasparin, LL.D Geneva, Switzerland 12 February, 1863. 

*Rt. Rev. George Burgess, D.D Gardiner, Maine „ „ „ 

*George Washington Greene, LL.D Providence, R. I „ „ „ 

*Hon. Luther Bradish, LL.D New York, N. Y 12 March, „ 

*Rev. William Greenleaf Eliot, D.D St. Louis, Mo „ „ „ 

•Hon. Millard Fillmore, LL.D Buffalo, N. Y 9 April, 

♦Henry Barton Dawson, Esq Morrisania, N. Y „ „ „ 

•George Grote, D.C.L London, England 14 May, „ 

•Edouard Rene Lefevre Laboulaye, LL.D. . . Paris, France 10 December, „ 

•Hon. John Adams Dix, LL.D New York, N. Y 14 January, 1864. 

tJohn Foster Kirk, LL.D. ., Then of Berne, Switzerland 11 February, „ 

,, „ „ „ re-elected Philadelphia, Penn 8 December, 1870. 

Goldwin Smith, D.C.L Toronto, Canada 13 October, 1864. 

•John Forstcr, LL.D London, England 9 February, 1865. 

*George Ticknor Curtis, A.M New York, N. Y 9 March, „ 

*Hon. William Henry Seward, LL.D Auburn, N. Y 20 April, „ 

•Evert Augustus Duyckinck, A.M New York, N. Y 14 December, „ 

*t James Parton, A.M Then of New York, N. Y 12 April, 1866. 

•William Vincent Wells, Esq San Francisco, Cal 10 May, „ 

•George Peabodv, D.C.L London, England 9 August, „ 

*Hon. John Meredith Read, A.M Albany, N. Y 13 December, „ 

.Joseph Jackson Howard, LL.D Blackheath, England „ „ „ 

"James Anthony Fronde, LL.D London, England 11 April, 1867. 

•Leopold von Ranks Berlin, Prussia „ „ „ 

•Brantz Mayer, Esq Baltimore, Md 6 June, „ 

•John Bruce, F.S.A London, England „ „ „ 

•Rev. Theodore Dwight Woolsey, LL.D. . . . New Haven, Conn 12 September, „ 

•John Winter Jones, F.S.A London, England 12 December, „ 

•John GrOUgfa Nichols, F.S.A „ M 9 April, 1868. 

"Richard Henry Major, F.S.A „ ,, 14 May, „ 

•Louis Adolphe Thiers Paris, Fiance 14 January, 1869. 

•Very Lev. Arthur l'enrhvn Stanley, LL.D. London, England „ „ „ 



*William Wetmore Story, D.C.L Rome, Italy 14 January, 1869. 

*Rev. Edmond de Pressense, D.D Paris, France 11 February, „ 

*Charles Janeway Stille, LL.D Philadelphia, Penn „ „ „ 

*Jules Marcou Paris, France 13 May, „ 

*Rev. Barnas Sears, LL.D Staunton, Ya 8 July, „ 

*Thomas Beamish Akins, D.C.L Halifax, Nova Scotia 15 October, „ 

*Pierre Margry Paris, France „ „ „ 

*Thomas Carlyle, LL.D London, England 10 February, 1870. 

Charles Jeremy Hoadly, LL.D Hartford, Conn 8 September, „ 

*Henry Theodore Tuckerman, A.M New York, N. Y 12 January, 1871. 

*Rev. William Ives Budington, D.D Broooklyn, N. Y 9 February, „ 

*Benjamin Scott, Esq Wey bridge, England „ „ „ 

*Hon. Charles Henry Bell, LL.D Exeter, N. H 15 August, „ 

David Masson, LL.D Edinburgh, Scotland „ „ „ 

*Rev. William Barry, D.D Chicago, 111 11 January, 1872. 

*Hon. George Thomas Davis, LL.B Portland, Maine 8 February, „ 

*Rev. Edward Duffield Neill, D.D St. Paul, Minn 14 March, „ 

*Marie Armand Pascal D'Avezac Paris, France „ „ „ 

*Rev. Jeremiah Lewis Diman, D.D Providence, R. 1 13 February, 1873. 

*Col. Joseph Lemuel Chester, D.C.L London, England „ „ „ 

*Hon. Edward Turner Boyd Twisleton, M.A. „ „ 13 March, „ 

*William Gammell, LL.D Providence, R. I 10 July, „ 

*Edward Augustus Freeman, D.C.L Oxford, England 11 September, „ 

*Rev. Thomas Hill, LL.D Portland, Maine . . 9 October, „ 

*Josiah Gilbert Holland, M.D New York, N. Y 13 November, „ 

*Hon. Manning Ferguson Force, LL.D Cincinnati, Ohio „ „ „ 

*Achille, Marquis de Rochambeau Vendome, France 12 February, 1874. 

*Sir John Bernard Burke, C.B., LL.D Dublin, Ireland 9 April, „ 

Samuel Rawson Gardiner, D.C.L Oxford, England 12 November, „ 

Hon. John Bigelow, LL.D New York, N. Y 11 February, 1875, 

*George William Curtis, LL.D West New Brighton, N. Y 9 September, „ 

*Baron Franz Von Holtzendorff Munich, Bavaria 14 October, „ 

Henry Charles Lea, LL.D Philadelphia, Penn „ „ „ 

Hubert Howe Bancroft, A.M San Francisco, Cal 11 November, „ 

*S. A. R. Louis Philippe Albert, Comte de Paris Paris, France 9 December, „ 

Rt. Rev. William Stubbs, LL.D Cuddesden, Oxford, England 12 October, 187G. 

Hon. William Maxwell Evarts, LL.D New York, N. Y 9 November, „ 

f Thomas Wentworth Higginson, LL.D Then of Newport, R. I „ „ „ 

*Rev. John Richard Green, LL.D London, England „ „ „ 

*Rev. Richard Salter Storrs, LL.D Brooklyn, N. Y 14 December, „ 

*Hon. Horatio Seymour, LL.D Utica, N. Y 8 February, 1877. 

Louis Gustave Vapereau . Paris, France 8 November, „ 

*William Frederick Poole, LL.D Chicago, 111 10 January, 1878. 

*Rev. Eben Edwards Beardsley, LL.D New Haven, Conn „ „ „ 

John Austin Stevens, A.B New York, N. Y 14 March, „ 

*Henri Martin Paris, France 10 October, ,, 

Joseph Florimond Loubat, LL.D New York, N. Y „ „ „ 

Charles Henry Hart, LL.B Philadelphia, Penn „ „ „ 

*John Hill Burton, D.C.L Edinburgh, Scotland 12 December, „ 

Rev. Moses Coit Tyler, LL.D Ithaca, N. Y 13 February, 1879. 

Hermann Eduard von Hoist, Ph.D Chicago, 111 „ „ „ 

Franklin Bowditch Dexter, A.M New Haven, Conn 8 May, „ 

John Marshall Brown, A.M Portland, Maine „ „ „ 

Hon. Andrew Dickson White, LL.D Ithaca, N. Y 11 September, „ 

George Washington Ranck, Esq Lexington, Ky 11 December, „ 

*Frederick De Pe/ster, LL.D New York, N. Y 11 March, 1880. 

Sir James McPherson Le Moine Quebec, Canada 6 April, „ 

*Alfred Langdon-Elwyn, M.D Philadelphia, Penn 13 May, „ 

*Hon. Zachariah Allen, LL.D Providence, R. 1 9 September, „ 



Theodor Mommsen Berlin, Prussia 14 October, 1880. 

lit. Hon. Sir George Otto Trevelyan, Bart., D.CL.London, England 9 December, 

Henry Adams, LL.D Washington, D. C „ 

♦Julius Dexter, LL.B Cincinnati, Ohio It) February, 1881. 

Rev. Henry Marty n Baird, D.D New York, N. Y 13 October, 

fCol. Henry Beebee Carrington, LL.D Then of New London, Conn „ „ 

Hon. William Wirt Henry Richmond, Va 10 November, „ 

Vicomte d'Haussonville Paris, France 8 December, „ 

*Hon. Elihu Benjamin Washburne, LL.D . . Chicago, 111 12 January, 1882. 

♦William Francis Allen, A.M Madison, Wis 9 February, „ 

*Sir John Robert Seeley, K.C.M.G., LL.D. . . Cambridge, England „ „ „ 

Rt. Hon. William Edward HartpoleLecky, LL.D. London, England 14 September, „ 

Rt. Hon. James Bryce, D.C.L „ ,, „ „ „ 

Rev. Charles Richmond Weld, LL.D Baltimore, Md 11 January, 1883. 

Herbert Baxter Adams, LL.D „ „ „ „ „ 

*Hon. Gustavus Vasa Fox Washington, D. C 8 February, „ 

*Cornelio Desimoni Genoa, Italy 8 March, „ 

*Brig.-Gen. George Washington Cullum .... New York, N. Y 14 February, 1884. 

*Rev. George Washington Blagden, D.D. . . ,, „ 13 March, „ 

Hon. Jabez Lamar Monroe Curry, LL.D. . . Richmond, Va 12 March, 1885. 

*Amos Deny, LL.D Providence, R. I „ „ „ 

♦Horatio Hale, A.M Clinton, Ontario, Canada 11 March, 1886. 

♦Very Rev. Charles Merivale, D.C.L Ely, England 14 October, 

Hon. William Ashmead Courtenay Charleston, S. C „ „ „ 

♦Alexander Johnston, LL.D Princeton, N. J 11 November, „ 

Rt. Rev. Mandell Creighton, LL.D Peterborough, England 13 January, 1887. 

*Ernst Curtius Berlin, Prussia 12 May, „ 

John Andrew Doyle, M.A Oxford, England „ „ „ 

*William Cabell Rives, LL.B Richmond, Va 10 November, „ 

Hon. Carl Schurz, LL.D New York, N. Y 8 December, „ 

Abbe Henry Raymond Casgrain, Litt.D. . . Quebec, Canada 12 February, 1891. 

Alexander Brown, D.C.L Norwood P. 0., Va 12 March, 

♦John Nicholas Brown, A.M Providence, R. 1 8 March, 1894. 

( 'apt. Alfred Thayer Mahan, D.C.L Washington, D. C 10 May, „ 

*Hon. Jacob Dolson Cox, LL.D Cincinnati, Ohio 8 November, „ 

Leslie Stephen, LL.D London, England 9 January, 1896. 

Hon. James Burrill Angell, LL.D Ann Arbor, Mich 13 February, „ 

William Babcock Weeden, A.M Providence, R. 1 12 November, „ 

Richard Garnett, LL.D London, England 10 December, „ 

George Park Fisher, LL.D New Haven, Conn 14 January, 1897. 

Woodrow Wilson, LL.D Princeton, N. J 11 February, „ 

Joseph Williamson, Litt.D Belfast, Maine 11 March, „ 

Hon. Joseph Dodges Clioate, LL.D New York, N. Y 9 December, „ 

Frederic William Maitland. LL.D Cambridge, England 14 April, 1898. 

John Franklin Jameson, LL.D Providence, R. 1 9 June, „ 

Lev. William Cunningham, LL.D Cambridge, England 11 Ma}-, 1899. 

Hon. Simeon Eben Baldwin, LL.D New Haven, Conn 8 March, 1900. 

John Bassett Moore, Esq New York, N. Y 10 May, „ 

lion. John Hay, LL.D Washington, D. C 14 June, „ 



James Sullivan 1791-18C6 

Christopher Gore 1806-1818 

John Davis 1818-1835 

Thomas L. Winthrop 1835-1841 

James Savage 1841-1855 

Kobert C. Winthrop 1855-1885 

George E. Ellis 1885-1894 

Charles Francis Adams 1895- 


Jared Sparks 1857-1866 

David Sears 1857-1862 

Thomas Aspinwall 1862-1870 

John C. Gray 1866-1869 

Charles Francis Adams 1869-1881 

Emory Washburn 1870-1877 

George E. Ellis 1877-1885 

Charles Deane 1881-1889 

Francis Parkman 1885-1893 

Charles Francis Adams 1890-1895 

Justin Winsor 1894-1897 

Samuel A. Green 1895- 

T. Jefferson Coolidge 1898- 

Recording Secretaries. 

Thomas Wallcut 1791-1792 

George Richards Minot 1792-1793 

James Freeman 1793-1812 

Joseph McKean 1812-1818 

Charles Lowell 1818-1833 

Gamaliel Bradford 1833-1835 

Joseph Willard 1835-1857 

Chandler Robbins 1857-1864 

Charles Deane 1864-1877 

Edmund Quincy 1877-1877 

George Dexter 1878-1883 

Edward J. Young 1883- 


Jeremy Belknap 1791-1798 

John Eliot 1798-1813 

1 The office of Vice-President was created in 1857 

Abiel Holmes 1813-1833 

Charles Lowell 1833-1849 

Alexander Young 1849-1854 

William P. Lunt 1854-1857 

Joseph Willard 1857-1864 

Chandler Robbins 1864-1877 

Charles Deane 1877-1881 

Justin Winsor 1881-1894 

William W. Goodwin 1894-1896 

Henry W. Haynes 1896- 

Corresponding Secretary, Pro Tempore. 
Thaddeus M. Harris. 1837-1840 


William Tudor 1791-1796 

George Richards Minot 1796-1799 

William Tudor 1799-1803 

Josiah Quincy 1803-1820 

James Savage 1820-1839 

Nahum Mitchell 1839-1845 

Peleg W. Chandler 1845-1847 

Richard Frothingham 1847-1877 

Charles C. Smith 1877- 


John Eliot 1791-1793 

George Richards Minot 1793-1795 

John Eliot 1795-1798 

John Thornton Kirkland 1798-1806 

William Smith Shaw 1806-1808 

Timothy Alden 2 1808-1809 

Joseph McKean 1809-1812 

Joseph Tilden 1812-1814 

James Savage 1814-1818 

Nathaniel G. Snelling 1818-1821 

Elisha Clap 1821-1823 

William Jenks 1823-1832 

James Bowdoin 1832-1833 

Joseph Willard 1833-1835 

Nahum Mitchell 1835-1836 

Joseph B. Felt 1836-1837 

2 See Proceedings, vol. i. p. 221, note. 



Thaddeus M. Harris 1837-1842 

Joseph B. Felt 1842-1855 

Samuel K. Lothrop 1855-1861 

Nathaniel B. ShurtlefT 1861-1864 

Thomas C. Amory 1864-1868 

Samuel A. Green 1868- 

Assistant Librarians. 

John Thornton Kirkland 1798-1798 

Thomas Wallcut 1798-1799 

Thaddeus M. Harris 1837-1837 

Lucius R. Paige 1845-1846 


John Eliot 1791-1793 

George Richards Minot 1793-1794 

Samuel Turell 1794-1808 

Timothy Alden * 1808-1809 

Joseph McKean 1809-1810 

Bedford Webster 1810-1833 

Isaac P Davis. 1834-1854 

Nathaniel B. Shurtleff 1854-1860 

Samuel A. Green 1860-1868 

Henry G. Denny 1868-1874 

William S. Appleton 1874-1880 

Fitch Edward Oliver 1880-1892 

Samuel F. McCleary 1893-1898 

Henry F. Jenks 1898- 

Executive Committee. 

George Richards Minot 1791-1793 

Peter Thacher 1791-1798 

James Winthrop 1791-1798 

Redford Webster 1793-1810 

John Davis 1798-1818 

Josiah Quincy 1798-1803 

Peter Thacher 1799-1802 

James Winthrop 1799-1821 

William Tudor 1803-1806 

William Emerson 1808-1811 

John Thornton Kirkland 1806-1812 

Thomas L. Winthrop 1810-1835 

Abiel Holmes 1811-1813 

James Freeman 1812-1826 

John Pierce 181:3-1834 

James Savage 1818-1820 

William Tudor 1820-1824 

Francis C Gray 1821-1836 

Nathan Hale 1824-1835 

James Bowdoin 1826-1833 

Jared Sparks 1833-1838 

James T. Austin 1834-1838 

James Savage 1835-1841 

Nathan Appleton 1835-1835 

Convers Francis 1835-1852 

John Davis 1836-1838 

Alexander Young 1838-1852 

Joseph B. Felt 1838-1839 

Samuel P. Gardner 1838-1842 

George Ticknor 1839-1852 

Joseph Willard 1841-1852 

Francis C. Gray 1842-1852 

Edward Everett 1852-1853 

George E. Ellis 1852-1853 

George Livermore 1852-1854 

Nathaniel B. Shurtleff 1852-1854 

Charles Deane r 1852-1856 

Robert C. Winthrop 1853-1855 

George W. Blagden 1853-1855 

Lucius R. Paige 1854-1856 

Chandler Robbins 1854-1857 

John C. Gray 1855-1857 

William Brigham 1855-1858 

Francis Parkman 1856-1858 

George Livermore 1856-1859 

Thomas Aspinwall 1857-1859 

Emory Washburn 1858-1860 

Lorenzo Sabine 1858-1860 

Charles Deane 1858-1861 

Solomon Lincoln 1859-1861 

Henry Austin Whitney 1859-1861 

Leverett Saltonstall 1860-1862 

Thomas Aspinwall 1860-1862 

Samuel K. Lothrop 1861-1863 

Charles H. Warren 1861-1 862 

Robert C. Waterston 1861-1863 

Emory Washburn 1 862-1864 

Thomas C. Amory 1862-1864 

William G. Brooks 1862-1865 

George E. Ellis 1863-1866 

Horace Gray 1863-1866 

Charles Eliot Norton 1864-1865 

Leverett Saltonstall 1864-1867 

Charles Folsom 1865-1867 

Amos A. Lawrence 1865-1867 

Henry Warren Torrey 1866-1868 

Samuel Eliot 1866-1868- 

George E. Ellis 1867-1868 

William C. Endicott 1867-1869 

William G. Brooks 1867-1870 

Charles C. Smith 1868-1870 

George W. Blagden 1868-1871 

James M. Robbins 1869-1871 

Henry Warren Torrey 1869-1871 

Theodore Lyman 1870-1871 

Henry M. Dexter 1870-1871 

Edmund Quincy 1871-1873 

Bee Proceedings, vol. i. p 221, note. 



George S. Hillard 1871-1873 

George Punehard 1871-1872 

Robert C. Waterston 1871-1874 

William H. Whitmore 1871-1872 

Nathaniel B. Shurtleff 1872-1874 

Augustus T. Perkins 1872-1875 

Robert M. Mason 1873-1876 

William S. Appleton 1873-1874 

Francis W. Palfrey 1874-1876 

Edmund Quincy 1874-1877 

William G. Brooks 1875-1877 

Charles C. Smith 1875-1877 

Henry W. Foote 1876-1878 

George E. Ellis 1876-1877 

James Russell Lowell 1877-1878 

Charles C. Perkins 1877-1879 

Winslow Warren 1877-1880 

Richard Frothingham 1877-1879 

Charles W. Tuttle 1878-1880 

Leverett Saltonstall 1878-1881 

Justin Winsor 1879-1881 

Delano A. Goddard 1879-1882 

George B. Chase 1880-1882 

Henry Cabot Lodge 1880-1883 

Phillips Brooks 1881-1883 

Henry W. Haynes 1881-1884 

Charles Francis Adams, Jr 1882-1885 

James Elliot Cabot 1882-1884 

John T. Morse, Jr 1883-1884 

Clement Hugh Hill 1883-1885 

William W. Greenough 1 884-1886 

Samuel C. Cobb 1884-1886 

Abbott Lawrence 1884-1887 

Abner C. Goodell, Jr 1885-1887 

Mellen Chamberlain 1885-1888 

William Everett 1886-1888 

Robert C. Winthrop, Jr 1886-1889 

Members at Large op the Council. 

John Lowell 1887-1890 

John D. Washburn 1887-1889 

George S. Hale 1888-1890 

William W. Goodwin 1888-1891 

Josiah P. Quincy 1889-1891 

Roger Wolcott 1889-1892 

Edward Bangs 1890-1892 

Edward J. Lowell 1890-1893 

Edward G. Porter 1891-1893 

Henry F. Jenks 1891-1894 

Horace E. Scudder 1892-1894 

Solomon Lincoln 1892-1895 

Alexander McKenzie 1893-1895 

John D. Washburn 1893-1896 

Edmund F. Slafter 1894-1896 

Arthur Lord : 1894-1897 

Edward L. Pierce 1895-1897 

Stephen Salisbury 1895-1896 

Thornton K. Lothrop 1896-1898 

Abbott Lawrence Lowell 1896-1898 

Charles R. Codman 1896-1899 

William W. Crapo 1897-1899 

William R. Thayer 1897-1898 

Winslow Warren 1898-1900 

Barrett Wendell 1898-1900 

Morton Dexter 1898- 

George B. Chase 1899- 

James Schouler 1899- 

James F. Rhodes 1900- 

Thorntory K. Lothrop 1900- 

Additional Members. 

George B. Chase 1898-1899 

James F. Rhodes 1899-1900 

James B. Thayer 1900- 

Committees of Publication. 


Jeremy Belknap, I. 1, 3, 4. 

John Eliot, I. 1,4, 5, 8. ILL 

James Freeman, I. 1, 3, 4, 5, 8. II. 1, 3, 9. 

George Richards Minot, I. 1, 4, 6. 

James Sullivan, I. 2. 

Peter Thacher, I. 2, 8. 

William Tudor, I. 2. II. 4, 7, 9. 

Redford Webster, I. 2. II. 1. 

William Wetmore, I. 3. 

Aaron Dexter, I. 3. 

Jedidiah Morse, I. 5, 7. 

Josiah Quincy, I. 5, 6, 9. II. 2, 3. 

John Davis, I. 6, 9. II. 1, 4, 7. 

John Thornton Kirkland, I. 6, 9. 

Abiel Holmes, I. 7, 10. II. 2, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10. 

William Spooner, I. 7. 

Thaddeus M. Harris, I. 7, 10. II. 2. III. 7. 

William Sullivan, I. 8. 

William Emerson, I. 9. 

Thomas L. Winthrop, I. 10. 

John Quincy Adams, I. 10. 

Alden Bradford, II. 1, 3, 8. 

John Pierce, II. 1. 

Joseph McKean, II. 2, 4, 5, 6, 7. 

James Savage, II. 3, 4, 8, 9, 10. III. 1. 

Elisha Clap, II. 8. 

John Pickering, II. 9, 10. III. 2. 

Francis C. Gray, II. 9. III. 8, 9, 10. 

Benjamin R. Nichols, II. 10. III. 2. 

William Jenks, III. 1. IV. 1. 

Charles Lowell, III 1, 3 4. 



William J. Spooner, III. 1. 

James Bowdoin, III. 2, 3, 4. 

James C. Merrill, III. 2. 

Convers Francis, III. 3, 4, 5, 7. 

Joseph Willard, III. 3, 4. 

Joseph E. Worcester, III. 5. 

Joseph B. Felt, III. 6, 6, 7, 8. 

Alexander Young, III. 5, G, 8. IV. 1. 

Lemuel Shattuck, III. 6. 

Samuel Sewall, III. 6. 

Nathaniel G. Snelling, III. 7. 

William H. Prescott, III. 8 

Robert C. Winthrop, III. 9, 10. IV. 6, 7. V. 1. 

Alvan Lamson, III. 9. 

Charles Francis Adams, III. 9, 10. V. 4. 

Nathaniel L. Frothingham, III. 10. 

George Ticknor, IV. 1. 

Nathaniel B. Shurtleff, IV. 1, 2. 

George E. Ellis, IV. 2, 9, 10. V. 5, 6, 7. 

Chandler Bobbins, IV. 2, 6, 7, 8. V. 1, 2, 3. 

Charles Deane, IV. 2, 3, 6, 7. V. 1, 2, 3, 9. 

William P. Lunt, IV. 3. 

Lucius R. Paige, IV. 3. 

Ellis Ames, IV. 3. 

Richard Frothingham, IV. 4 V. 4. 

Thomas Aspinwall, IV. 4, 9, 10. 

George Livermore, IV. 4. 

Lorenzo Sabine, IV. 4. 

Solomon Lincoln, IV. 5. 

Alonzo H. Quint, IV. 5. 

Williams Latham, IV. 6. 

Joseph Palmer, IV. 5. 

Henry W. Torrey, IV. 8. V. 5, 6, 7. 

Samuel K. Lothrop, IV. 8. 

William S. Bartlet, IV. 9, 10. 

John Langdon Sibley, IV. 9, 10. 

Charles C. Smith, V. 1, 8. VL 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 

8, 9, 10. VII. 1. 
William G. Brooks, V. 2, 3. 
Winslow Warren, V. 4, 10. 
William H. Whitmore, V. 5, 6, 7. 
James Russell Lowell, V. 6, 6, 7. 
George Dexter, V. 8. 
Robert C. Winthrop, Jr., V. 8. VI. 3,6, 9. 

Justin Winsor, V. 9. 
Arthur Lord, V. 9. 
George B. Chase, V. 10. VI. 10. 
Henry F. Jenks, V. 10. VI. 6, 7. 
Mellen Chamberlain, VI. 1, 2, 6, 7, 9. 
Clement Hugh Hill, VI. 1, 2. 
Arthur B. Ellis, VI. 1, 2. 
James M. Bugbee, VI. 1, 2. 
Edward Channing, VI. 3, 6. 
Josiah P. Quincy, VI. 4. 
Edward J. Young, VI. 4. 
Octavius B. Frothingham, VI. 4. 
Roger Wolcott, VI. 8. 
Samuel F. McCleary, VI. 8. 
A. Lawrence Lowell, VI. 8. 
Samuel A. Green, VI. 10. 
Edward G. Porter, VI. 10. 
T. Jefferson Coolidge, VII. 1. 
Archibald Cary Coolidge, VII. 1. 

Proceedings 1791-1855. 

Charles Deane. 
Charles C. Smith. 

Proceedings since 1855. 

George Livermore 1855-1 8G4 

Chandler Robbins 1855-1863 

Henry Austin Whitney 1860-1864 

Samuel K. Lothrop 1862-1863 

Charles Deane 1863-1877 

William G. Brooks 1863-1864 

Charles Folsom 1864-1867 

Samuel A. Green 1864-1882 

Charles C. Smith 1867-1882 

Edmund Quincy 1877-1877 

George Dexter 1878-1883 

Josiah P. Quincy 1882-1883 

Horace E. Scudder 1882-1883 

Edward J. Young 1883- 

Clement Hugh Hill 1883-1889 

Alexander McKenzie 1883- 

Charles C. Smith 1889- 




Elected April 12, 1900. 



SAMUEL A. GREEN, LL.D. .......... Boston. 


JjUcorbing JSemiarg. 
EDWARD J. YOUNG, D.D Waltham. 

(fcorresprntbing Jbtrjetarg. 



Cabinet -JUqjrr. 
HENRY F. JENKS, A.M Canton. 

Pembers at % arge of the Catmcil. 






Additional Member of the Council. 

JAMES B. THAYER, LL.D Cambridge. 




Hon. Samuel Abbott Green, LL.D. 
Charles Eliot Norton, D.C.L. 

Rev. Edward Everett Hale, D.D. 
Hon. Horace Gray, LL.D. 

Josiah Phillips Quincy, A.M. 

Henry Gardner Denny, A.M. 

Charles Card Smith, A.M. 

William Sumner Appleton, A.M. 

Abner Cheney Goodell, A.M. 
Edward Doubleday Harris, Esq. 

Winslow Warren, LL.B. 
Charles William Eliot, LL.D. 

Charles Francis Adams, LL.D. 
William Phineas Upham, A.B. 

Hon. William Everett, LL.D. 
George Bigelow Chase, A.M. 
Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, LL.D. 

John Torrey Morse, Jr., A.B. 
James Elliot Cabot, LL.D. 


Gamaliel Bradford, A.B. 
Rev. Edward James Young, D.D. 


Robert Charles Winthrop, Jr., A.M. 
Henry Williamson Haynes, A.M. 

Thomas Wentworth Higginson, LL.D. 


Rev. Henry Fitch Jenks, A.M. 
Horace Elisha Scudder, Litt. D. 
Rev. Edmund Farwell Slafter, D.D. 
Hon. Stephen Salisbury, A.M. 
John Tyler Hassam, A.M. 
Rev. Alexander McKenzie, D.D. 

Arthur Lord, A.B. 
Arthur Blake Ellis, LL.B. 
Frederick Ward Putnam, A.M. 
James McKellar Bugbee, Esq. 
Hon. John Davis Washburn, LL.B. 
Rev. Egbert Coffin Smyth, D.D. 

Rev. Arthur Latham Perry, LL.D. 


Hon. John Elliot Sanford, LL.D. 
Uriel Haskell Crocker, LL.B. 
Hon. Roger Wolcott, LL.D. 
Edward Cli aiming, Ph.D. 



Samuel Foster McCleary, A.M. 
William Watson Goodwin, D.C.L. 
Hon. George Frisbie Hoar, LL.D. 
Rev. Alexander Viets Griswold 
Allen, D.D. 


Charles Greely Loring, A.M. 
Solomon Lincoln, A.M. 
Edwin Pliny Seaver, A.M. 


Albert Bushnell Hart, Ph.D. 
Thornton Kirkland Lothrop, LL.B. 
James Bradley Thayer, LL.D. 
Hon. Henry Stedman Nourse, A.M. 

Henry Fitz-Gilbert Waters, A.M. 
Abbott Lawrence Lowell, LL.B. 


Rev. Samuel Edward Herrick, D.D. 
Hon. Oliver Wendell Holmes, LL.D. 
Henry Pickering Walcott, M.D. 


John Fiske, LL.D. 

George Spring Merriam, A.M. 


Hon. Charles Russell Codman, LL.B. 
Barrett Wendell, A.B. 
James Ford Rhodes, LL.D. 


Hon. Edward Francis Johnson, LL.B. 
Henry Walbridge Taft, A.M. 
Rt. Rev. William Lawrence, D.D. 
William Roscoe Thayer, A.M. 

Rev. Morton Dexter, A.M. 
Hon. Thomas Jefferson Coolidge, A.M. 
Hon. William Wallace Crapo, LL.D. 

Hon. Francis Cabot Lowell, A.B. 
Granville Stanley Hall, LL.D. 
Alexander Agassiz, LL.D. 
Hon. James Madison Barker, LL.D. 
Col. Theodore Ayrault Dodge. 

Thomas Corwin Mendenhall, LL.D. 
Rev. Leverett Wilson Spring, D.D. 
Major William Roscoe Livermore. 
Hon. Richard Olney, LL.D. 
Lucien Carr, A.M. 
James Schouler, LL.D. 

Hon. John Summerfield Brayton, 

Rev. George Angier Gordon, D.D. 
John Chipman Gray, LL.D. 
Hon. George Harris Monroe. 
Rev. James De Normandie, D.D. 
Andrew McFarland Davis, A.M. 

Archibald Cary Coolidge, Ph.D. 
John Noble, LL.B. 
Robert Noxon Toppan, LL.B. 
Charles Pickering Bowditch, A.M. 
Rev. Edward Henry Hall, A.B. 

James Frothingham Hunnewell, 

Hon. David Henry Chamberlain, 

Melville Madison Bigelow, LL.D. 
Rev. Elijah Winchester Donald, 


David Masson, LLD. 

Rt. Rev. William Stubbs, D.D. 
Hon. William Maxwell Evarts, LL.D. 

Theodor Mommsen. 

Rt. Hon. William Edward Ilartpole 
Lecky, LL.D. 

Hon. Carl Schurz, LL.D 

Samuel Rawson Gardiner, D.C.L. 
Rt. Hon. James Bryce, D.C.L. 

Rt. Rev. Mandell Creighton, D.D. 

Rt. Hon. Sir George Otto Trevelyan, 
Bart., D.C.L. 


Goldwin Smith, D.C.L. 

Joseph Jackson Howard, LL.D. 


Charles Jeremy Iloadly, LL.D. 
John Foster Kirk, LL.D. 


Hon. John Bigelow, LL.D. 
Henry Charles Lea, LL.D. 
Hubert Howe Bancroft, A.M. 

Gustave Vapereau. 


John Austin Stevens, A.B. 
Joseph Florimond Loubat, LL.D. 
Charles Henry Hart, LL.B 

Rev. Moses Coit Tyler, LL.D. 
Hermann von Hoist, Ph.D. 
Franklin Bowditch Dexter, A.M. 
John Marshall Brown, A.M. 
Hon. Andrew Dickson White, LL.D. 
George Washington Ranck, Esq. 

Sir James McPherson Le Moine. 
Henry Adams, LL.D. 

Rev. Henry Martyn Baird, D.D 
Hon. William Wirt Henry 
Vicomte d'llaussonville. 



Rev. Charles Richmond Weld, LL.D. 
Herbert Baxter Adams, LL.D. 

Hon. Jabez Lamar Monroe Curry, 

Hon. William Ashmead Courtenay. 

John Andrew Doyle, M.A. 

Abbe Henry Raymond Casgrain, 

Litt. D. 
Alexander Brown, D.C.L. 

Capt. Alfred Thayer Mahan, D.C.L. 

Leslie Stephen, LL.D. 
Hon. James Burrill Angell, LL.D. 
William Babcock Weeden, A.M. 
Richard Garnett, LL.D. 

Rev. George Park Fisher, D.D. 
Woodrow Wilson, LL.D. 
Joseph Williamson, Litt. D. 
Hon. Joseph Hodges Choate, LL.D. 

Frederic William Maitland, LL.D. 
John Franklin Jameson, LL.D. 

Rev. William Cunningham, LL.D. 

Hon. Simeon E. Baldwin, LL.D. 
John Bassett Moore, Esq. 
Hon. John Hay, LL.D. 


Members who have died, or of whose death information has been received, since the last 

volume of Collections was issued, May 20, 1899, arranged in the 

order of their election, and with date of death. 


Rev. Edwards Amasa Park, LL.D June 4, 1900. 

William Henry Whitmore, A.M June 14, 1900. 

Hon. William Crowninshield Endicott, LL.D May 6, 1900. 

Hon. Mellen Chamberlain, LL.D June 25, 1900. 

Charles Franklin Dunbar, LL.D Jan. 29, 1900. 

William Whitwell Greenough, A.B June 17, 1899. 

Rev. Edward Griffin Porter, A.M „ . Fe6. 5, 1900. 

John Codman Ropes, LL.D Oct. 28, 1899. 

Hon. Walbridge Abner Field, LL.D July 15, 1899. 

Augustus Lowell, A.M June 22, 1900. 


Rev. William Scott Southgate, D.D May 21, 1899. 

Charles Janeway Stille, LL.D Aug. 11, 1899. 

Rev. Richard Salter Storrs, LL.D June 5, 1900. 

Signor Cornelio Desimoni June 29, 1899. 

Amos Perry, LL.D Aug. 10, 1899. 

John Nicholas Brown, A.M May 1, 1900. 

Hon. Jacob Dolson Cox, LL.D Aug. 4, 1900. 



T IKE many eminent men of his time, Thomas Jeffer- 
-*-^ son was in the habit of preserving every scrap of 
writing which came into his hands, and of keeping copies 
of all of his own letters. Consequently he left at his 
death a very great mass of letters and papers of priceless 
value for biographical and historical purposes, together 
with many which would not now be thought worth pre- 
serving. Subsequently the whole collection was roughly 
divided into two parts, one comprising documents mainly 
relating to his public life, and the other letters and 
papers mainly connected with his private and personal 
relations. By an Act of Congress, approved April 12, 
1848, the first portion was acquired by the United States, 
and is now deposited in the State Department at 
Washington. The second portion was presented to the 
Historical Society, in June, 1898, by Mr. Jefferson's 
great-grandson, Thomas Jefferson Coolidge ; and it is 
from this latter portion of the Jefferson papers that the 
letters printed in this volume have been for the most part 
selected. Few of them are of a political character or 
deal with public affairs ; but they very clearly illustrate 
many phases of Jefferson's character, and show the range 
and variety of his interests in his more private life. 

The volume is almost equally divided between letters 
written by Jefferson himself and letters written to him 


by personal or political friends. It is not surprising, but 
is worthy of note, that in the original separation of the 
papers letters were not always placed in the division 
to which they would seem naturally to have belonged, 
and that a letter and its answer were not always 
kept together. The letters to Jefferson are all original 
autographs : the letters from him are, with the excep- 
tion of a few where the Committee have had access to 
the letters actually sent and of a few rough draughts, 
either copies made in the ordinary way by pressure on 
moistened paper or copies made by a polygraph, or stylo- 
graph, as Jefferson sometimes called it. This instrument 
produced a perfect facsimile, indistinguishable from the 
original letter, and as it is no longer in use, and is not 
described in any of the cyclopaedias examined by the 
Committee, it may be of interest to quote a description 
of one of two actually used by Jefferson, which is now 
in the Rouss Laboratory of the University of Virginia. 
" The polygraph," writes Professor Francis H. Smith, of 
that institution, "is a very ingenious double writing-desk, 
with duplicate tables, pens, and inkstands. The pens are 
connected together at an invariable distance by a sys- 
tem of jointed parallelograms, with two fixed centres, 
such that the pens are always parallel. Whatever move- 
ment is impressed upon one is simultaneously by the 
connecting linkwork communicated to the other pen. 
Hence, if one traces on a sheet letters or figures, its com- 
panion traces at the same time identically the same forms 
on another sheet. The writer therefore produces two 
identical pages at the same time. He does it with sen- 
sibly no more fatigue than if he were using one pen 
only, for the weight of the pens and linkwork is sup- 
ported by a strand of delicate spring wires from a silver 
arm extending from the frame of the box above, out of 


the way of the writer. By this polygraph the copy may 
be made on paper and with ink of the same kind as the 

Most of the letters are in excellent condition; but 
many of those which were copied by pressure on mois- 
tened paper are either wholly or in large part illegible, 
and a considerable number have been so mutilated by 
carelessness or accident as to render many portions of the 
letter unintelligible. Writing more than seventy years 
ago, when the first collected edition of Jefferson's Writ- 
ings was passing through the press, his only surviving 
daughter described in an unpublished letter to her son- 
in-law, Joseph Coolidge, Jr., the condition of the manu- 
scripts used in the preparation of that work. " The 
originals themselves are in many places so faded as to 
be almost entirely obliterated. For pages together the 
girls have to take advantage of the broad light of a 
noonday sun, frequently unable to read them but with 
the assistance of a looking-glass applied to the back, 
where alone the impression shows. A few lines will 
sometimes cost as many days. This is not the state of 
the ivhole, but a very considerable portion. . . . We are, 
the girls and myself, very closely employed from 5 to 8 
hours a day with them, after which they go through a 
second examination by the editor, whose trouble is much 
lessened by our pioneering the way before him." Much 
the same condition of things exists with regard to the 
letters now in the possession of the Historical Society, 
though it is probable that there are fewer letters in this 
collection which were copied by pressure than there 
were in the volumes published by Jefferson's grandson. 

It may be a matter of convenience to the reader of 
these letters to append a few dates connected with the 
more important incidents in Jefferson's life. He was 


the elder son of Peter and Jane (Randolph) Jefferson, 
and was born at Shad well, adjoining the estate afterward 
called Monticello, April 2, 1743, Old Style. In 1760 
he entered William and Mary College, where he spent 
two years. After leaving college he studied law with 
George Wythe, and in 1767 was admitted to the bar. 
On the 1st of January, 1772, he was married to Martha 
Skelton, daughter of John Wayles, and widow of Bathurst 
Skelton. He took his seat in Congress for the first time 
June 21, 1775, and June 28, 1776, he reported to that 
body the Declaration of Independence, which he had 
draughted. In September of the same year he retired 
from Congress ; and a few weeks later he became a mem- 
ber of the General Assembly of Virginia. He was almost 
immediately afterward elected one of a committee to 
make a general revision of the laws of Virginia, and in 
this capacity draughted the memorable act for Establish- 
ing Religious Freedom. From June, 1779, to June, 

1781, he was Governor of Virginia. In September, 

1782, his wife died, leaving three daughters, of whom 
only one survived her father. In May, 1784, after the 
close of the war with the mother country, he was 
appointed one of the plenipotentiaries for negotiating 
treaties with foreign nations, and the next five years were 
passed in Europe. In December, 1789, he accepted an 
appointment as Secretary of State under the Federal 
Constitution, which office he held for four years. From 
1797 to 1801 he was Vice-President of the United States; 
and from 1801 to 1809 he was President. In February, 
1819, he was chosen one of the first Board of Visitors 
of the University of Virginia, of which he has always 
been recognized as the founder ; and down to his death 
he continued to be its most influential friend and sup- 
porter. He died on the 4th of July, 1826, only a few 


hours before the death of John Adams. After his death 
a memorandum was found in a private drawer intimating 
a wish that in the inscription on his monument he should 
be described as " Author of the Declaration of American 
Independence, of the Statute of Virginia for Eeligious 
Freedom, and Father of the University of Virginia." 

The portrait prefixed to this volume is a photogravure 
from an original painting by Gilbert Stuart, now owned 
by Thomas Jefferson Coolidge. 

August 28, 1900. 




London, March 28 th , 1770. 

Dear Sir, — I am disappointed hitherto in every at- 
tempt to get ordained. The Commissary wrote against 
me in these words. Col . Mercer saw the letter. " M r . 
Ogilvie applied to me last spring for a reccommendation 
to your Lordship for holy orders. For reasons which 
then existed I refused him. He has now applied to me 
a second time ; as these reasons are not removed I have 
denied him again, but he goes home in opposition." 
Nothing could have been more artfully couched to do me 
a prejudice. The Bishop observed to Col . Mercer that 
had M r . Horrocks t mentioned what his objections were, 
it would have left him to judge whether they were such 
as he might have overlooked or not, but that so general 
a charge laid my whole character open to censure so as to 
be out of my power to vindicate it. I have one chance 
still, but whether it will succeed or not I am uncertain. 

* James Ogilvie was the son of a Presbyterian minister at Aberdeen. At a very early 
age he came over to Virginia, where he made many warm friends. In the autumn of 1769 
he determined to go to London to obtain Episcopal ordination, and applied to the Commis- 
sary for a recommendatory letter. This was refused on the ground that he was " some- 
what deficient in his Greek." Ogilvie, however, went to London, where he found that his 
application to the Bishop was in vain. Jefferson espoused his cause with great earnest- 
ness ; and among the Jefferson Papers in the possession of the Historical Society are the 
original draughts of three letters on the subject, which are printed in Ford's edition of The 
Writings of Thomas Jefferson, vol. i. pp. 381, 383, 389. This James Ogilvie should not 
be confounded with another and much younger man of the same name, also a native of 
Aberdeen and a correspondent of Jefferson, who also spent many years on this side of 
the Atlantic, and published a volume of Philosophical Essays, which was reviewed by 
the late Edward T. Channing in N. A. Review, vol. iv. pp. 378-408. — Eds. 

t Rev. James Horrocks, D.D., was the Commissary of the Bishop of London, and 
President of William and Mary College. —Eds. 


I must therefore apply again for your freindly offices, 
as well as those of my other freinds in Virginia. 

If by means of M r . Blair you can get the Commissary 
to acquaint the Bishop that his objections were owing to 
my deficiency in the Greek, it will remove every obstacle. 
If he still refuses, will you be so obliging as, through 
Mr. Jones of Augusta, to procure a letter from L d . Fairfax 
requesting my ordination. Could you likewise procure 
another certificate signed by as many gentlemen of for- 
tune and credit as you can conveniently ? Your freind 
Mr. Walker, and the Rev d . M r . White, will be both very 
active, I do not doubt. A letter from the Attorney Gen 1 .* 
to M r . Jennings here, or a letter from one or more of the 
Council to Mr. Abercromb}^, their agent in London, may 
be of special service. But, particularly, could Mr. Hor- 
rocks be prevailed with, it will make me easy. Perhaps 
an application from Col . Byrd and Mr. Balfour would 
have effect with him. 

I have here prescribed you a severe trial of your 
freindship, but let my necessity plead an excuse. You 
are to judge what part of it you can best execute. The 
warmth with which you have already interested yourself 
in my favour encourages me to write in this stile, and I 
think I can venture to flatter myself that from your 
regard to Mr. Walker (for merit of my own with you, 
Sir, I can plead none), that you will not spare a little 
trouble to execute that on which the success of my future 
life depends. Shall I mention a happiness of a still 
dearer nature which is also dependant upon this ? t But 

* John Randolph, brother of Peyton Randolph, was Attorney-General at this time. 
On the breaking out of hostilities he espoused the side of the mother country, and went 
to England, where he died. See Sabine's American Loyalists, vol. ii. pp.- 208, 209. — Eds. 

f In a letter to Ogilvie, dated Monticello, Feb. 20, 1771, acknowledging the receipt of 
this letter, Jefferson writes: "Your Dulcinea is in health. Her brother, T. Strachan, is 
settled with J. Walker for life, — another inducement for her and you to wish for a resi- 
dence with us. He is wishing to take to himself a wife; and nothing obstructs it but 
the unfeeling temper of a parent who delays, perhaps refuses, to approve her daughter's 
choice." — Eds. 

1770.] JAMES OGILVIE. 5 

should I enter on so tender a subject it will melt down 
my resolution, which is so necessary at present. 

My life has been a continued scene of misfortune and 
disappointment. I am naturaly endowed with keen 
passions, and in the early part of my life they took a 
byass which has softened and rendered them most sen- 
sible of every accident that has befallen me. Yet among 
the few lucky circumstances of my life I reckon those 
first which occasioned my acquaintance with M r . Walker 
and yourself. In whatever situation my future life may 
be spent, though fortune may place me at a distance from 
you, I shall ever think of you with respect and affection, 
my warmest wishes will ever accompany you. I shall 
flatter myself that you are happy and successful, and, 
spite of misfortune, I shall find an hour to rejoice in 
that hope. 

I have purchased a few of your commissions, the 
others I delayed till the measures of Parliament were 
known. My private circumstances have taken up so 
much room that I have not had an oppor y . to insert any 
public news. We are in hopes the duties upon tea will 
be taken off before the end of the sessions. The disap- 
pointment in respect to my obtaining orders has not come 
alone. I am sorry to observe that the freinds I have 
mett with in Virg a . have been more sincerely and warmly 
attached to me than many of my relations. 

Adieu, my dear Sir. I will not detain your attention 
longer by attempting an apology for the length or matt[er] 
of this, but subscribe myself, with every affectionate de- 
sire for your prosperity, 

Your much obliged and very obedient serv*. 

Ja 8 . Ogilvie. 

A letter to Mr. Walker accompanies this. Direct for 
me att M rs . Ballard's, Hungerford Street, in the Strand, 



Thomas Jefferson, Esq r ., Albemarle County, Virginia, 

My dear Sir, — Though I have wrote you and M r . 
Walker twice, yet I am at a loss to know whether any 
of my letters have come to hand or not, as I have never 
heard from Virginia but once since I left it, which was 
a letter dated last Nov r ., from my young freind at Bel- 
videre. I have the pleasure, however, to inform you that 
I have got into Deacon's Orders, by the Bishop of Dur- 
ham, independant of Horrocks, by means of a reccom- 
endation from the Magistrates & Ministers of Aberdeen ; 
but as I was ordained to a living in England & not 
America, I was obliged to accept a curacy in Berwick 
and to wait till next September before I can obtain the 
Order of Preist. This plan I pursued by the advice of 
the Archbishop of York, who has showed me great freind- 
ship, and who would have ordained me but that the B p . 
of London had signified that, as he had refused me or- 
dination, he expected he would not interfere. The Arch- 
bishop, however, saw Horrocks's letter, and told me had 
lie been his Commissary he would have paid no regard 
to so general an accusation. 

Though (as I have informed M r . Walker) I might 
to great advantage settle in England, yet my heart & 
thoughts are all eagerly bent upon Virginia. The con- 
nections I formed in your colony were at that early 
time of life when the affections expand themselves with 
a sympathy too generous to admitt any selfish or inter- 
ested views. I loved because I found an object every 
way qualifyed to yeild that happiness to which the grati- 
fications of ambition appear as an empty dream. I have 
had that love most generously returned ; every scheme, 
therefore, of life which I have ever planned has so enter- 
woven with it a communication of happiness to the per- 
son beloved, that I find myself unable to partake of 


enjoyment in any other way. Allow me to add that 
the continuance of your freindship is more than a sec- 
ondary inducement for my returning among you. Permit 
me, d r . Sir, to flatter myself that M r . Walker & you will 
still preserve whatever share of esteem & regard you 
supposed my merit might draw from you while I was 
with you. Enclosed you have the Bristol & London 
prices of Masonry, a copy of which I sent you before. 
You are perhaps surprised at my not answering your 
commissions before now, but my continualy expecting 
to see America myself prevented me, and the remote- 
ness of Berwick from any place of trade w h Virg a . makes 
my opportunities of even writing but seldom. As I can- 
not take shipping at any rate before October, I shall 
esteem it as a particular mark of freindship if you '11 
favour me with a line either by London or Glasgow, un- 
der cover to my F r . at Aberdeen. My very respectful 
comp ta . wait upon your mother. 
I am, with much esteem, dear Sir, 

Your much obliged & very affec* servant, 

Ja s . Ogilvie. 

Berwick upon Tweed, April 26 th , 1771. 


Robert Carter Nicholas, Esq r , Treasurer of Virginia, at Williams- 
burg. Free R. H. Lee. 

Philadelphia, 30 th April, 1776. 

Dear Sir, — I thank you for your kind favor by last 
post, and I am well pleased to hear that Gen. Lee is 

* Richard Henry Lee, one of the most conspicuous statesmen of the Revolutionary 
period, was born in Stratford, Va., Jan. 20, 1732, and died in Chantilly, June 19, 1794. See 
Life and Correspondence of Richard Henry Lee, by his Grandson ; Appleton's Cyclopedia 
of American Biography, vol. iii. pp. 664, 665. — Eds. 

t Robert Carter Nicholas was born in Virginia in 1715, and died there in 1780. At this 
time he was Treasurer of the Colony. (See Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, 
vol. iv. p. 511.) This letter no doubt came into the possession of Jefferson through his in- 
timate connection with Gov. Wilson Cary Nicholas, one of the sons of Robert C Nicholas. 
— Eds. 


exerting himself for the security of our country.* His 

military talents are considerable, and his zeal in the 
American cause equal to his martial accomplishments. 
His plan for securing our rivers with armed boats from 
piratical ravage is ver;^ wise, and I hope it will meet the 
countenance and support of our Convention.! The man- 
ner of making common salt, as practised in France, and 
well described in a pamphlet we sent the Committee of 
Safety, seems to deserve the most serious attention of the 
public. Our water is more salt & our sun hotter than in 
France, nor are they much less subject to rains, but from 
this interruption we need not fear much inconvenience, 
where the evaporation from the sun's heat is so great as in 
Virginia. I realy think that revenue as well as supply 
of the commodity may be obtained from public works of 
this kind4 Saltpetre too, is an object of great conse- 
quence, but I incline to believe that bounties to en- 
courage the making this in private families will more 
certainly produce it in large quantities than any other 
plan. We are told that Massachusetts Government alone 
will in this way furnish 100 tons by midsummer. But, 
Sir, do you not see the indispensable necessity of estab- 
lishing a government this Convention ? How long popu- 
lar commotions may be suppressed without it, and anarchy 
be prevented, deserves intense consideration. A wise and 
free government may now be formed, and the sensible ad- 
vantages soon derived from it will, added to the magistrates' 
authority, effectually prevent the numerous evils to be ap- 
prehended from popular rage & licence whenever they find 
the bonds of government removed, as is certainly the case, 
by the last wicked Act of Parliament. We cannot be in 
rebellion, and without the King's protection, and magis- 

* Gen. Charles Lee was then at Williamsburg, in Virginia, in command of the Southern 
Department. — Eds. 

t See Life and Correspondence of Richard H. Lee, vol. ii. p. 217. — Eds. 

\ For some account of the scarcity of salt during the Revolution, see Proceedings, vol. 
xv pp. 221-227. — Eds. 

1776.] • RICHARD HENRY LEE. 9 

trates acting under Ins authority at the same time. 
Would not the President act as Governor, if chosen by 
the Convention ? I sent you a small pamphlet by Squire 
Lee, written here by a very sensible gentleman, on the 
subject of government. His plan, with some varia- 
tions, would, in fact, be nearly the form we have been 
used to. 

Our enemies are at this time holding a treaty with the 
Indians at Detroit, and propose another at Niagara the 
1 st * of May, to persuade these savages to join them in the 
war against us. This mischief will forever attend us 
whilst one of the forts are suffered to remain in posses- 
sion of the enemy in that country. However, I expect an 
expedition will soon be sett on foot that will effectually 
oust them. Gen. Howe is certainly gone to Hallifax to 
refresh his dispirited, fugitive army, but his distress there 
must be considerable, as the climate is bad, and the scar- 
city of provision considerable. We conclude here that 
Quebec and Hudson's Kiver will be their great objects this 
campaign, and we are preparing to give them a proper re- 
ception both in Canada and New York. I think L d . Ger- 
main's intercepted letter shews us pretty clearly that the 
7 regiments under Cornwallis are all that are intended 
for the Southern Colonies this year, and their insufficiency 
is very apparent. But this is one good consequence aris- 
ing from L d . Dunmore's vain boasting of his own prowess, 
and what he could do in Virg a . with a few troops. He has 
led his friends into another scrape. We have sent 8 gal- 
lies & 2 ships of war down after the Roebuck as she is re- 
ported to be on shore near the Capes of Delaware. Should 
this prove true, it will be a fine acquisition. 

Col . Harrison told me you desired the account of each 
Delegate to be sent you. I have accordingly inclosed 
you mine. The general account of the disposition of the 
money obtained from the bills you have sent here will 
likewise be transmitted. I had, in my last account, sent 


you when in Virg\, stated our allowance at half a joe p r 
day, because I was informed that was the sense of Con- 
vention. But since the ordinance mentions forty-five 
shillings we must abide the loss. The Congress has sent 
250,000 dollars to the paymaster in Virg a . & 50,000 to 
the Committee of Safety to get changed for specie to sup- 
port the troops in Canada. From this quantity of Con- 
tinental money in Virginia you will have no difficulty 
hereafter I suppose, Sir, [in] procuring as much as will pay 
our wages. 

[Your] goodness will, I am sure, pardon the length [of] 
this letter. 

I am, dear Sir, your affec [tionate] and obedient servant. 

Richard Henry Lee, 

M r . Ro. Morris purchased the bills you sent by me and 
the exchange was 77|. 


To Thomas Jefferson, Esq\ in Williamsburg. 

October the 13, 1777. 

Dear Sir, — I take the liberty of troubling you upon 
a subject of very great consequence to myself, & which I 
have very much at heart. M r Nelson very early shewed 
his inclination to defend his country by entring into the 
service in the 7 th Regiment as a Major, in which capacity 
he acquitted himself to the satisfaction of every body. He 
is since advanced to be L\ Colonel in that regiment, where 
he distinguished himself in the late battle with the enemy. 
As he has a family who very much want his presence, he 
is desirous of the command of the last battalion of Artil- 

* Daughter of Col. Philip Grymes, of Middlesex County, Va., and wife of Thomas 
Nelson, dr. (horn at Yorktown, Dec. 2G, 1738, and died in Hanover County, Jan. 4, 1789), 
one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. See Appleton's Cyclopedia of 
American Biograph}-, vol. iv. pp. -191, 492. — Eds. 


lery, which is to be disposed by the Assembly at their next 
meeting ; not that his ardour is in the least abated, but he 
thinks he can serve his country as effectually here, & at- 
tend to his own affairs which suffer much by his absence. 
You know my situation, with three young children, must 
make me anxious for his success on this occasion ; & as 
you have a good deal of influence in the House, you 
will oblige me exceedingly by giving him your interest. 
I am, Sir, your hble servant, 

Lucy Nelson. 


Oct. 24, 1777, W ms .bgh. 

D R . Madam, — Colo Nelson's merit & his present com- 
mand place him in my judgm't without a competitor, for 
the post to which you wish him appointed. It is a great 
happiness to me, therefore, that, while I pursue the dictates 
of my own judgment, I am at the same time subservient 
to your wishes. One truth only it behoves me to warn 
you of, that you may not be deceived by over-rating any 
one's assistance. No man, my dear madam, who acts 
above board has influence in any appointments here, be- 
yond the weight of his own vote. If this appointment 
should be obtained for Colo Nelson, it will be by the mere 
force of his personal merit. In thus undeceiving you, how- 
ever, I do violence to my own gratification, as this error 
alone has produced to me the happiness of a letter from 

Fortune seems to have drawn a line of separation 
between us. Though often in the same neighborhood 
some unlucky star has still shuffled us asunder. When I 
count backwards the years since I had last the happiness of 
seeing you in this place, & recur to my own lively memory 

* This letter is printed from Jefferson's original draught indorsed on the reverse page 
of Mrs. Nelson's letter. — Eds. 


of our friendship, I am almost induced to discredit my 
arithmetic. The affection I still retain for a family with 
whom I once lived in so much intimacy & confidence re- 
calls to my mind often & often the most pleasing reflec- 
tions. That heaven may shield the breast in which your 
happiness is embarked & administer to you every comfort 
of this life is the prayer of 

Your sincere & affectionate friend. 


TJie Honourable Tho 8 Jefferson, Ambassador from the United States 
of America to the Court of France. 

My dear Sir, — I was much mortified to find that you 
had been in England some time before I knew it, and was 
gone from hence at the instant I was projecting a journey 
to pay my respects to you. 

Give me leave to congratulate you on your being ap- 
pointed Ambassador to the Court of France ; a circum- 
stance no less honourable to your country than yourself. 
I shall be happy to know that M rs . Jefferson and your 
family are well, and should rejoice beyond measure to see 
you. The gentleman who will deliver this letter is a 
friend of mine, and a fellow of Benet College in the 
University of Cambridge. You will find him an amiable 
man, and capable of gratifying your curiosity in a thou- 

* Rev. Samuel Henley, D.D., was born in England in 1740, and died there Dec. 29, 
1815. While a young man he came to America, and was Professor of Moral Philosophy 
in William and Mary College, Virginia, from 1770 to 1775. On the breaking out of the 
war he returned to England, and was made an assistant master at Harrow School. In 
1778 he was elected a fellow of the Society of Antiquaries ; and four years later he was 
presented to the living of Rendlesham. He made the first English translation of Beck- 
ford's " Vathek " from the original French, was a frequent contributor to the Monthly 
Magazine, and published several sermons and other productions, besides carrying on an 
extensive literary correspondence. Many years ago a large portion of his correspondence 
came into the possession of the Hon. Mellen Chamberlain, and extracts from it were 
printed in the Proceedings of this Society. Among them is a letter from Jefferson to 
Henley, dated Paris, March 3, 1785, relating to the books left by the latter in America. 
See Proceedings, vol. xv. pp. 230-241; Dictionary of National Biography, vol. xxv. 
p. 420. — Eds. 

1785.] SAMUEL HENLEY. 13 

sand particulars. If you could spare the time to inform 
me of any of our old friends across the Atlantic, the 
state of the college at Williamsburgh, the fate of my 
books, &c, he will take the charge of what you might be 
disposed to communicate. Should there be anything in 
England you could wish to know from me, I should be 
happy to satisfy your inquiries. 

Different as our situations are from what they once 
were, I shall ever look back with sincere pleasure on the 
friendship with which you honoured me, and shall always 
be proud to subscribe myself, 

Most sincerely yours, 

S. Henley. 

Rendlesham, near Melton & Ipswich in Suffolk, 
July 18, 1785. 


To His Excellency, T. Jefferson, Ambassador from the American 
States to the Court of France. Cul de Sac Taitbout, a Paris. 

Rendlesham, near Melton & Ipswich, 15 Sep*. 1785. 

Dear Sir, — I was happy to be informed by my friend 
Bradford that you were well, and have a thousand , ac- 
knowledgments to make for your attentions to him, 
which he speaks of to me in the handsomest manner. 
I trust, however, that you will not repent of them, 
though they have encouraged me to introduce two other 
friends from this side the water. You have, I doubt not, 
read the poems of M rs . Barbauld (late Miss Aiken), and 
perhaps her other works. To say of her that she is the 
first poetess that hath adorned the literature of England 
is but intimating the least part of her desert. No heart 
can possess more worth. Her husband has a most ungra- 
cious outside, but you will find him the [re] verse within. 

I am sorry to learn the fate of my books, prints, &c, 
& exceedingly regret that no more of them fell into your 


hands. The pleasure I once took in them made me feel 
the more pain for their loss, which, however, is in some 
measure alleviated by the consideration that some of them 
escaped the flames & are in the possession of a friend I 
so much respect. 

Will you have the goodness to present my best com- 
pliments to M 1 " 3 Jefferson if she be with you, or when 
you write to her ? # M rs Henley would be very happy to 
receive her in England, as I trust you are convinced 
would, dear Sir, 

Your most obliged and obedient servant, 

S. Henley. 


His Excellency, the Honourable Thomas Jefferson, Ambassador from 

the United States of America to the Court of France. Cul de Sac 

Taitbout, a Paris. 

Rendlesham, Nov r . 16, 1785. 

My dear Sir, — I was favoured, in the beginning of 

this month, with your two obliging letters, and have to 
return you a thousand acknowledgments for the senti- 
ments of regard they contain, which neither length of 
time, change of situation, nor the convulsions which 
have torn asunder the bonds that once held our united 
countries, appear in the least to have altered. 

Remotely as I am situated from publick life, the notices 
you have so kindly given me of some of our friends con- 
cerning whom I have been unable to learn anything so 
long were particularly grateful ; but the brevity with 
which you mention your own family hath cast a shade 

* Mrs. Jefferson died Sept. G, 1782, almost exactly three years before the date of this 
letter. Jefferson's eldest daughter, Martha, went with him to Europe. His other two chil- 
dren, both daughters, were left in Virginia with their maternal aunt, Mrs. Francis Eppes. 
The youngest daughter died in the autumn of 1784. The second daughter, Mary, or Maria, 
as she was commonly called, was sent abroad in the spring or summer of 1787, to be with 
her father. — Eds. 

1785.] SAMUEL HENLEY. 15 

over my imagination, and lead me to suspect what, I hope, 
after all, may not have happened. It was with infinite 
regret that I heard you had been in this kingdom. I 
trust it will not be the last time, as well as the first, of 
your visiting it. I should be inexpressibly happy to see 
you in this habitation, the precincts of which, I think, 
would be the more pleasant to you as bearing no incon- 
siderable resemblance to Virginia. M rs Henley would be 
happy to receive your daughter, & pay her every instance 
of attention. Is it not possible that you may make an 
excursion to England thro' Flanders & Holland ? If so, 
you will land near us, & shall find me at the water's 
edge to receive you. 

The alterations made in the college at Williamsburg 
I much approve, and am happy to hear of its flourish- 
ing state. It is with pleasure I reflect, notwithstanding 
the inconveniences I have experienced from my connexion 
with it, that I was the first person who endeavoured to 
place the mode of education in it upon its proper basis ; 
nor (must I confess) would the only mark of favour the 
college could confer, I mean the honorary degree of Doc- 
tor of Laws, be unacceptable to me on this account. Sorry 
as I was to find that the books & prints which I had 
collected with such care & pleasure were devoted to the 
flames, it was no small diminution of my concern to find 
that some of them were in your hands. I am perfectly 
satisfied with the value set upon them and in conformity 
with your request have directed a friend to draw upon 
you on my account for the sum mentioned. His name 
is Johnson; his draft will be dated the 18 th or thereabout, 
payable at a month. 

Have you any commissions that I can execute in Eng- 
land ? I shall be happy to obey you. Literary intelli- 
gence I will readily communicate to you, or procure you 
books if you can point out a conveyance. M r . Gwatkin 
I have not seen for some years ; his situation is not alto- 


gether so pleasant as I could wish, but hope it will one 
day be better. 

I had lately a letter from M r Bradford, who is now at 
Cambridge. He mentions in the warmest terms your po- 
liteness, for which I sincerely thank you, both on his 
acc fc . & my own. 

With the truest esteem, I am, my dear Sir, 
Your most obliged & obedient serv*., 

S. Henley. 


To His Excellency, the Hon ble T. Jefferson, Ambassador from the 
American States to the Court of France, Cut de Sac Taitbout, 


Rendlesiiam, near Melton & Ipswich, 
18 March, 1786. 

Dear Sir, — I have delayed my acknowledgment of 
your last favour from the hope of being able to accom- 
pany my answer with a little publication which I flattered 
myself would by this time have escaped from the press. 
But tho' I am disappointed at present, I am not without 
hope of another opportunity more favourable, ere long, to 
my purpose. I have not only to thank you for your at- 
tention to the draft, but also for the information your 
letter contained, which actually acquainted me with more 
facts than I have been otherwise able to collect in my ten 
years' absence from Virginia. What changes in so short 
a time ! Allow me to say there are none of them for 
which I more sensibly feel, than for those which respect 
yourself. There are wounds which tho' time closes, it 
does not obliterate the scars of. These we both of us have 
felt, and shall always remember. 

You sensibly reflect on the mispense and enjoyment of 
life ; but, alas, how little do they differ ! Every day 
brings its cares to a reflecting mind, and I know not 
whether the bustle of life has not the advantage in point 


of enjoyment, because it sweeps off; the cares before they 
have time to sink deep. But a truce to reflexions ! Let 
us make the best of the present, as the past is irrecover- 
ably gone & the future may never be ours. 

I flatter myself with the hope that I may one day be 
favoured with your company. If books, quiet, & a country 
that resembles your own can afford any solace, these I can 
promise you. M rs Henley desires me to present her com- 
pliments & add that she will do her best to make our 
retreat as tolerable to Miss Jefferson as she can. 

You will pardon the haste in which I write, but the 
gentleman who delivers you this (M r Kilderbee, the cler- 
gyman of the next parish to mine) being to set off a day 
earlier than I thought for, has obliged me to write in a 
hurry. I must take time, however, to add that I am 
with the sincerest regards, dear Sir, your most affectionate 
friend and obliged serv*, 

S. Henley. 


Paris, July 9, 1786. 

Dear Sir, — I wrote you last on the 16*? of June. Since 
that your favors of May 21, 21 & June 12 have come to 
hand. The accounts of the K. of Prussia are such that 
we may expect his exit soon.t He is like the snuff of a 
candle, — sometimes seeming to be out, then blazing up 

* Col. William Stephens Smith was born in New York City in 1755, and graduated at 
Princeton College in 1774. He served with distinction during the Revolutionary War; and 
on the opening of diplomatic relations was appointed first Secretary of Legation to the Court 
of Great Britain. He accompanied John Adams to London, and July 12, 1786, he was mar- 
ried by the Bishop of St. Asaph to Abigail, Mr. Adams's oldest child and only surviving 
daughter. After his return to America he held various civil appointments, and served one 
term in Congress. He died at Lebanon, N. Y., June 10, 1816. (See Journal and Cor- 
respondence of Miss Adams, Daughter of John Adams, pp. 99-117; Appleton's Cyclopaedia 
of American Biography, vol. v. p. 596; Lanman's Biographical Annals, p. 395.) The letter 
here given is printed from the original manuscript in the large and valuable collection of 
autograph letters given to the Historical Society by Mr. and Mrs. A. C Washburn. — Eds. 

t Frederick the Great died at Potsdam August 17, 1786, a little more than a month after 
the date of this letter. — Eds. 



again for a moment. It is thought here that his death 
will not be followed by any immediate disturbance of the 
public tranquillity ; that his kingdom may be considered 
as a machine which will go of itself a considerable time 
with the winding up he has given it. Besides this he 
has for some time employed his successor in his councils, 
who is endeavoring to possess himself of & to pursue his 
uncle's plan of policy.* 

The connection which has long subsisted between the 
Van Staphorsts, the Grands, & this court is known to 
you. I think it probable that private sollicitations first 
suggested the late appointment & might be the real effi- 
cient cause of it. The ostensible one, & which has some 
reality too, is the accomodation of the lenders in Hol- 
land. It will doubtless facilitate the borrowing money 
there for this country, and multiply the partisans of the 
new alliance. The policy of this country is indeed wise. 
What would have been said a dozen years ago had any 
one pretended to foretell that in that short space of time 
France would get Holland, America, & even England 
under her wing ? 

We have had here some strong altercations between the 
court & the parliament of Bourdeaux. The latter used a 
language which a British parliament would not have dared 
to use. The court was in the wrong, and will have the 
wisdom & moderation to recede. The question is, Whether 
lands, called Alluvions, on the river Garonne, belong to 
the king or to the proprietors to whose soil they have 
been added. 

I have received by D r Bancroft the portable copying- 
press ; it is perfectly well made. Be so good as to present 
my compliments & thanks to M r . Cavallo for his attention 
to it. To yourself I suppose you would rather I should 
present the money. This I will do the moment you will 

* Frederick William II., nephew and successor of Frederick the Great, was born Sep- 
tember 25, 1714, and died December 1G, 1797. — Eds. 


inform me of the sum. In your letter of May 21 , you 
mention that you had paid the maker £5-10, bat a former 
letter gave me reason to believe you had to pay something 
to another person for a board, or the box, or something 
else. I will beg the favor of you at the same time to in- 
form me what a pair of chariot harness will cost in Lon- 
don, plated, not foppish but genteel, & I will add the 
price, or not add it to the bill I shall send you, according 
as I shall find it when compared with prices here. Can- 
not you invent some commissions for me here, by way of 
reprisal for the vexations I give you ? Silk stockings, 
gillets, &c, for yourself, gewgaws & other contrivances for 
Madame ? A propos, all hail, Madame ! may your nights 
& days be many & full of joy ! May their fruits be such 
as to make you feel the sweet union of parent & lover, 
but not so many as that you may feel their weight ! May 
they be handsome and good as their mother, wise & hon- 
est as their father, but more milky ! For your old age I 
will compose a prayer thirty years hence. 

To return to business (for I am never tempted to pray 
but when a warm feeling for my friends comes athwart 
my heart). They tell me that they are about altering 
D r Ramsay's book in London in order to accomodate it to 
the English palate & pride. * I hope this will not be done 
without the consent of the author, & I do not believe that 
will be obtained. If the booksellers of London are afraid 
to sell it, I think it can be sold here. Even the English 
themselves will apply for it here. It is very much 
esteemed by those who have read it. The French trans- 
lation will be out in a short time. There is no gutting in 
that. All Europe will read the English transactions in 
America, as they really happened. To what purpose then 

* The reference is to David Ramsay's " History of the Revolution of South Carolina 
from a British Province to an Independent State," published at Trenton in 1785. A French 
translation was published in 1787 ; and an English edition in 1788. See Allibone's Diction- 
ary of Authors, vol. iii. p. 1734. — Eds. 


hoodwink themselves ? Like the foolish ostrich who, when 
it has hid its head, thinks its body cannot be seen. I will 
beg the favor of you to prevail on M r . Dilly * to send me 
50 copies by the diligence. We shall see by the sale of 
these what further number we may call for. I will under- 
take to justify this to the author. They must come un- 
bound. It will be necessary at the same time to put into 
some of the English papers the following advertisement. 

" The bookseller to whom Df Ramsay's history of the 
revolution of S. Carolina was addressed for sale, hav- 
ing been advised that the executing that commission 
would expose him to the actions of certain persons w T hose 
conduct in America, as therein represented, is not in their 
favor, the public are hereby notified that they may be fur- 
nished with the said work either in the original English, 
or well translated into French, by writing to Froulle, 
libraire au quai des Augustins a Paris, & franking their 
letters. An opportunity of sending it to London occurs 
every week by the diligence.' ' Send me a paper or two 
with this advertisement in it. 

To put an end to your trouble I will wish you a good 
night, — I beg your pardon. I had forgot that you would 
have it without my wishes. I bid you therefore a simple 
adieu, with assurances of my friendship & esteem. 

Th : Jefferson. 

Col Smith. 

Indorsed by William S. Smith, " Paris July 9 1 . 11 1786. Tho* Jefferson 

— as! 18 th ." 

* Charles Dilly, a well-known London bookseller, was born May 22, 1739, and died May 
4, 1807. Amoiitf the books published by him were Boswell's Corsica, Tour to the Hebrides, 
and Life of Johnson, and Lord Chesterfield's Miscellaneous Works. He and an elder 
brother, Edward, had an extensive trade with America. See Dictionary of National Biog- 
raphy, vol. xv. pp. 91, 92. — Ens. 

1786.] WILLIAM S. SMITH. 21 


London, July 18 th , 1786. 

Dear Sir, — Agreable to your request I have been to 
Woodmason's, as I informed you in my last ; he was to 
have sent the press to M r . Garvey at Rouen, t and in addi- 
tion to the mode of obtaining payment suggested by you 
I have told him if it would be more convenient I would 
pay his bill immediately after you had acknowledged the 
receipt of the press. This seemed to suit him best. The 
letters which you requested M r . Appleton to leave with 
me are all forwarded to America, agreable to your wish 
which was expressed in a note accompanying them, & 
some are probably there by this time. I called at N°. 20 
Charles Street and delivered the letters separately agre- 
able to their address ; the gentleman has put off every 
idea of his voyage untill the spring; what will be the 
consequence I cannot pretend to say. I fear the worst ; 
but I can see no end to be answered by advising him, for 
he will ultimately follow his own opinions. The same 
thing which prevents him from going to America I sup- 
pose will keep him from visiting Paris, viz. : want of con- 
fidence in the prudence of his family during his absence. 
This is what no arguments will remove ; it is rivited on 
his mind and sways his conduct. 

I find you can be furnish'd with a sett of harness such 
as you discribe, neat & simple, for 15 guineas ; one orna- 
mented with studds from 18 guineas to 20 pounds, & so 
on to 40. If either of the extremes or any grade between 
them should suit you, a line will accomplish what you 

* The indorsement on Jefferson's letter of July 9, shows that this letter was written in 
answer to that letter. Among the Jefferson Papers in the possession of this Society are 
numerous letters written by William S. Smith, showing the intimate relations subsisting 
between Jefferson and the writer; but they have not been thought to be of sufficient impor- 
tance to be printed in this volume. — Eds. 

t Robert and Anthony Garvey were commission merchants at Rouen, and frequent 
business correspondents of Mr. Jefferson. — Eds. 


wish. I have visited M r . Dilley ; his foreman promises 
to send the 50 copies as you wish, after which the para- 
graph shall enter the paper ; to publish first would frighten 
him, & he would not send the books. 

I am much obliged for your observations on the ap- 
pointment lately made in Holland, & for the intelligence 
you give relative to the King of Prussia. His conduct 
relative to his successor merits applause, and consid- 
ering the distance at which he has always kept him, 
and the suspicions respecting him, which appear'd in 
a strict attention to his movements, &c, it appears as 
one of those great lines of character which has marked 
his reign, — that at this period of his life, conscious of 
an approaching dissolution, he can calmly call into his 
council a person to whom in a short time he must, 
according to the course of nature, surrender his Empire 
& who hitherto he has kept at the most awfull dis- 
tance. It is the first instance I have ever heard of, of 
a tyrant, at the close of life, moving w 7 ith seeming com- 
posure down the stream, and in his last stage making 
arrangements for the happiness (at least of what remains) 
of his people, and, by instructing personally his successor, 
endeavour to furnish him with the ability of preserving 
the peace and tranquility of his Kingdom. It may, & I 
do not doubt it will, operate as you expect, as it relates 
to internal tranquility, but how will it affect his neigh- 
bours? The candidate for the crown is not respected; 
he is considered a weak prince, involved in debauchery, 
and has never displayed the least mark of a great char- 
acter under these lines. May it not be expected that some 
exertions will be made for the recovery of fame and ter- 
ritory which the enterprising spirit of Frederick, in the 
course of his reign, has deprived them of ; will not the 
Emperor endeavour to elivate himself on his tomb ? But 
I will cease to plague you with questions. 

I have the pleasure to inform you that by advices from 

1786.] WILLIAM S. SMITH. 23 

New York, I am informed they have had another election, 
and Colonels Hamilton and Varrick * are of the Assembly. 
This looks well, it indicates a change of measures in that 
State, which must prove benificial. for they are men of 
understanding, of liberal minds, have the honour of their 
country in view, and are friends to foedral measures. 
They hold the articles of a national treaty paramount 
to the particular laws of a State, and are disposed to 
press a complyance with national obligations as necessary 
to justice and the establishment of a respectability of 

Your prayers and good wishes have added to my obliga- 
tions, and as you are never tempted to pray but when a 
warm feeling for your friends comes athwart your heart, 
your prayer on this occasion comes with such an addi- 
tional wieght that I know not how to answer them, but 
by connecting them with the circumstance which gave 
rise to them. I devoutly say, — for what we have received 
may the Lord make us truly thanhfull. Amen. 

Mrs. Smith desires her respectfull compliments, and 
begs me to inclose a small list of articles which she 
would be obliged if you would permit Petit t to purchase 
for her. 

I enclose a small peice taken from a New York paper 
descriptive of an animal found on the Ohio ; it is novel & 
will give a subject of speculation ; it is singular that he 
should have remained so long unknown. 

Col°. Humphreys's arrival is also announced in another, 
and as I have tormented M r . Mazzie with a very long letter 
on the Abbe Reynald, & an account of the Battle of Long 
Island, T take the liberty of enclosing for him an account 
of that action taken from the British Annual Register, 
which is pretty good. 

* Alexander Hamilton and Richard Varick were two of the members elected from New 
York. The latter became Speaker of the Assembly. — Eds. 

t Jefferson's servant. He came to America with his employer. — Eds. 


With compliments to the Marquis & his lady and 

Mad me . De Tesse, & if I may, to the fair Grecian, I am, 

d r . Sir, 

Your obliged humble serv*., 

W. S. Smith. 

His Excellency Thos. Jefferson. 


His Excellency Thomas Jefferson, Esq r . 

Sir, — Agreeable to Col. Smith's order I now send you 
the plate of the Map of Virginia, & c ., with the original 
maps, drawing, & a proof. As there is in it a very great 
number of words, you will, I naturally suppose, upon 
inspecting it critically, find some corrections necessary ; I 
could have wished to have inserted them myself, but as 
your receipt of the plate renders that impracticable, they 
must consequently be done by one of the map engravers 
at Paris. 

The drawing was unfortunately made on a paper much 
too soft, so that (after it was rubbed down on the wax 
prepared on the plate to receive its impression previous 
to traceing), in taking it off, some parts of its surface 
tore away & remained on the wax, & of course obliterated 
the drawing in those parts. 

In consequence of this accident, you will find in the 
body of the map two names unfinished & a few on the 
coast to the eastward of Delaware Bay, all of which, as 
well as every other necessary correction may be made in 
a few hours. Col. Smith has expressed his approbation 
of the engraving; I therefore flatter myself it will like- 
wise meet with yours & be a means of securing your future 

* Born in 1758 ; died in 1824. He was an engraver, and was principally engaged on 
antiquarian work and maps. He engraved the large and well executed map of Virginia 
and the Middle States in Jefferson's Notes on Virginia. See Bryan's Dictionary of Paint- 
ers and Engravers (ed. Armstrong and Graves), vol. ii. p. 203. — Eds. 

1787.] JOHN STOCKDALE. 25 

favors, which will add to the obligation already confered 
on, Sir, Yours (with much respect), 

S. J. Neele. 

London, N° : 352 Strand, Dec r . 21 st . 1786. 


Sir, — I duly reccd your favors of Jan ry . 28 th . & Feb ry . 
y e 1 st , & have sent the articles agreable to your order by 
this night's coach, which I hope you '11 receive in time. I 
sent part of the books to America a long time since by 
the gent n . you desir'd, but have not been able to get the 
remainder. I shall be happy to receive your corrected 
copy, which shall be neatly & correctly printed & pub- 
lished, according to your desire, without one title of 
alteration, tho' I know there is some bitter pills relative 
to our country ; as I shall not be above three weeks in 
printing the work, it may not be amiss to send the plate 
at the same time, as they will take some time to work ; 
I think a shilling for the use of the plate, for working 
each copy, a very great price, & I am afraid much higher 
than the work will bear ; but this I leave entirely to your 
consideration. I intend to print 500 copies, which from 
the merit of the work & the advantage of your name, I 
hope will be sold, but all things are uncertain ; in short, 
all that I wish is to be the publisher of your work & to 
be indemnified, without paying any regard to the profit. 
I am with great respect, Sir, 

Your much oblig'd & very h ble Serv*., 

John Stockdale. 

Piccadilly, London. 13 th Feb r >\ 1787. 

* John Stockdale, an eminent London publisher, was born about 1749, and died June 
21, 1814. He issued many important works, among others the Debates in Parliament, 1784- 
1790. He published the first English edition of the Notes on Virginia, — a few copies 
having been previously printed for private distribution, as well as a French translation, 
"with such alterations as the laws of the press in that country rendered necessary." In 
1789 he was the successful defendant in a famous libel suit growing out of the impeachment 
of Warren Hastings, which led in 1792 to the passing of Fox's Libel Act. See Dictionary 
of National Biography, vol. liv. pp. 389, 390. — Eds. 



Piccadilly, London, 10 th July, 1787. 

Sir. — I received your favor of July the l 8t together 
with the plate, safe, by your messenger ; it has been a 
great disappointment to me, not receiving it at the time 
promised ; and I am afraid a detriment to the sale of 
the book, London now being nearly empty of book buyers, 
& I am sorry to inform you that the plate is so much 
wore that the impressions which I want will not be quite 
leidgerble ; by the appearance of the plate there must 
have been about 1,500 taken off, so that I may truly say 
that it has lessened the value of it to me & the purchasers, 
for which reason you will probably have no objections to 
make me a less charge than you alluded to in a former 
letter* I have sent one copy of the book & map, for 
your inspection, & should you wish to have 50 or 100, 
more in b ds . they are at your service, without being charg'd 
to account ; but as I hinted before in a former letter, I 
beg not to be misunderstood, — as I will pay freely what- 
ever you may think just, after you have weighed it in 
your mind. By the advice of a friend I have put at the 
corner " Published as the Act directs," & enter'd the 
book at Stationers Hall, for no other reason but to prevent 
any other spurious editions ; at the same time I hereby 
acknowledge that I have no right or title in the work, 
except what I print at my own expence. I have printed 
1,000, & shall print the same number of the maps, which 
I suppose will be nearly completed by the time that I can 
receive a letter from you. The book I believe you will 
find very correct & neatly printed. I have added "Illus- 
trated with a Map, &c," in the title page, which was 

* The map in the copy of the Notes on Virginia in the library of this Society, which is 
no doubt the plate here referred to, does not bear the slightest indication of having been 
printed from a worn plate. Probably the sole purpose of Stockdale's complaint was to pro- 
cure the U9e of the plate at the lowest price possible. — Eds. 

1787.] JOHN STOCKDALE. 27 

absolutely necessary; otherways the booksellers would 
frequently sell the book without the map, the necessity 
of which, I hope, will be a sufficient apology for the liberty 
I have taken. I have taken great pains to procure Smith's 
Map of Virginia, but without success ; therefore was abso- 
lutely obliged to give up the idea. I met with three dif- 
ferent copies of the work, but without the map ; nor does 
any of our gentlemen even remember to have seen a map 
to the book.* 

I have inclosed a copy of your advertisement, that I 
shall this week send to every paper in England & Scotland, 
to be inserted, which I 'believe are between 70 & 80 in N ., 
which will cost me upwards of £30, but I hope the book 
will repay me. 

Tacittus's Works in Latin is not to be got in 8 V0 . 

Inclos'd is Lackington's bill which I have paid ; & I will 
at any time execute any of your commands with pleasure.! 

* It is a curious and interesting fact that more than a hundred years ago the booksellers 
had begun to despoil Smith's History of Virginia to such an extent that none of Stockdale's 
friends had ever seen a cop}' of the book with the map. — Eds. 

t James Lackington, a famous London bookseller, was born at Wellington, Somerset, 
August 31, 1746, and died at Budleigh November 22, 1815. His father was a journeyman 
shoemaker of grossly intemperate habits; but his mother is said to have been a woman of 
great energy. Young Lackington began his business career at the age of ten as an itinerant 
pieman. At the age of fourteen he was apprenticed to a shoemaker, and two years later he 
became a Methodist. Subsequently he went to London and opened a bookstall and shoe- 
maker's shop, starting with a few books and scraps of leather and a borrowed capital of five 
pounds. Here he prospered greatly, and soon gave up shoemaking. In a few years his 
bookstore, which was known as "The Temple of the Muses," and had a frontage of one 
hundred and forty feet at the corner of Finsbury Square, became one of the sights of Lon- 
don. In 1798 he retired from business, with an ample fortune, and became a Methodist 
preacher. (See Dictionary of National Biography, vol. xxxi. pp. 370, 371.) While Jeffer- 
son was in Paris he ordered many volumes from Lackington's catalogues. Two of Jefferson's 
lists, without date, in his own handwriting, are appended. — Eds. 

22. Marshall's Chronological Tables, h. b. fair. fol. 2/. 
347. American Traveller. 4*°. 2/6. 
519. Alfred's Anglo-Saxon version of Orosius. 8 v o. 6/. 

If this is sold send any one of Nos. 523, 518, 522, 520. 
600. Colden's History of the 5 Nations. 4/. 
870. Petty's Political Arithmetic. 1/. 
1781. Creech's Lucretius. 2 v. 8™. h. b. neat. 3/3. 
1789. Evans's Old Ballads. 4 v. 8™. 15/9. 
1980. Moore's Fables. 12 m °. 1/3. 

2632. Hargrave's Argument in the Negro's Case. 8 V0 . 1/. 
2644. Molloy de Jure Maritimo. 1/. 


All the other articles you were so good as to order, you 
will find in the parcell. 

Should there be any thing published that has great 
merit for the instruction or entertainment of youth, I 
shall esteem it a particular favor if you will be so good 
as to order it to be sent to me ; & at the same time I return 
you my sincere thanks for continuing to send M r . Berquin's 
works, which you will be so good as pay for, & I will, 
whenever I am informed, give you credit in your ace*, for 
the same. 

I am with great respect, Sir, 

Your much oblig'd & very humble servant, 

John Stockdale. 

2657. Wentworth's Office of Executors. 8 V <>. 2/6. 

3906. Sterling's Ovidii Tristia. 1/6. 

3907. Sterling's Phaedrus. 1/6 ; Catonis, 9 d . 
3912. Sterling's Florus. 1/6; his Persius, 6*. 
3916. Sterling's Pomey's Pantheon. 9 d . 

4294. Septuagint & New Testament. Greek. 7/6 fol. 

4323. Justiniani Historia Veneta. fair, gilt. Fol. 3/. 

4362. Arriani Expeditio Alex. Gr. Lat. fol., neat. 8/6. Steph. 1575. 

4588. Sophoclis Tragoediae. Gr. Lat. cum scholiis. 8 V0 . 2/9. 

4623. Q. Curtius Delphini. 8™. 1/6. 

4632. Horace Delphini. 1/. 

4794. Ciceronis Tusculanarum Disput. neat gilt. 2/. Foulis, 1744. 

4923. Relation del Cardinal Bentivoglio. 12 mo. 1 /. 

6522. Julian's Works by Gibbon. 2 v. 10/6. 8^o. 

6532. Lucretius Lat. & Eng. prose. 2 vol. neat. 4/6. 8 V0 . 

1529. Tacitus' Works by Gordon. 5 v. 8™. 14/6. 

Second part of Lackington's Catalogue for 1787. 

Remarks on Chastelux' Travels. 1787. G. & T. Wilkie. 

Ludlam's Introdh. & Notes on Bird's Method of Dividing Astonom. Instrum. 4*°. 2/. 

Sewel. 1786. 
Evelyn's Terra, by Hunter. 4*°. 5/. Dodsley, 1787. 
Retrospect of the portraits delineated in a short Review of the Political State. 8 V °. 1 /. 

Adair's Philosophical & Medical Sketch of the Natural History of the Human Body & 

Mind. 8™. 4/. Dilly. 

Medical Cautions for the Consideration of Invalids. 

Trusler's London Adviser and Guide. 12 mo . 3/. Baldwin. 

Col°. Tarlton's Hist, of the Campaigns in 1780 & 1781 in N. America. 26/. 

Abercrombie's Gardener's Pocket Diet. 3 v. 8 V0 . 10/6. Davis. 

Kirwan's Estimate of the Temperature of Different Climates. 3/. Elmsley. 

Sylva, or the Wood. 8 V °. 5/. Payne & Son. 

Shakesp. Co. Lit. Tacit. 

1787.] JOHN STOCKDALE. 29 


Sir, — I duly reced yours of the 17 th & 25 th ultimo, & 
should have sent the articles off sooner had it not been 
for the difficulty I had to meet with Gordon's Tacitus's, it 
being entirely out of print ; it is bound, but I hope it will 
answer your purpose. The price is .£1-4. 

Just as I was going to ship 400 of your work for Eich- 
mond & Philadelphia, I had the disagreable intelligence 
to learn that your book was already printed in Philadel- 
phia, & a skeliton of a map added to it, which, tho' not 
equal to mine, I am inform'd, as it comes much cheaper, 
it will answer their purpose.* 

Aitken, of Philadelphia, is unfortunately fail'd.t I 
sent of in a box by the dilligence yesterday the follow- 
ing books : American Atlas, £2 : 12 : 6 ; Adams on the 
Constitutions, 57; 10 Notes on Virginia for yourself (not 
charged) & 34 at 574 each for the books r you was so 
good as to recommend ; they sell in London retail at V/. 
in b ds . When they are sold he will be so good as to pay 
the money into your hands. I hope he will soon want 
more ; it is well spoke off in London, but they much 
lament that you have not gone more at large into the 
work & brought it lower down. 

I have order'd two copies to be deliver' d in your name 
to M r Tho 3 . Mann Randolph (gratis). 

I return you my sincere thanks for the book you sent 

* In the library of this Society is a copy of the first American edition of the Notes 
on Virginia, printed and sold by Prichard and Hall, Philadelphia, 1788. Its typographical 
appearance is much inferior to that of Stockdale's edition, and it has no map. Stockdale 
was misinformed when he wrote that the book had already been published, and that it con- 
tained the skeleton of a map. See Sabin's Dictionary of Books relating to America, 
vol. ix. p. 241. — Eds. 

t Robert Aitken was a well-known bookseller and publisher in Philadelphia. (See 5 
Mass. Hist. Coll., vols, ii., iii. passim.) In a letter dated Aug. 15, 1788, Stockdale writes : 
" I am just inform'd by a friend from Philadelphia that the report of the failure of Mr. 
Aitken, bookseller, was groundless." — Eds. 




me ; there are many pleasing & entertaining stories for 
children which will be of use for my intended publication. 
I am with great respect, Sir, 

Your much obliged & very humble serv*, 

John Stockdale. 

Piccadilly, London, 3 rd Augt , 1787. 


Piccadilly, 31 st Aug 4 ., 1787. 

Sir, — I duly reced yours of the 14 th instant, & am 
exceedingly obliged to you for the trouble you have taken 
with the bookseller for the sale of the Notes on Virginia. 

I have seen M r . Dilly, bookseller in the Poultry, who 
positively assures me that your book is printed at Phila- 
delphia, & that his authority is M r . Bury, bookseller at 
New York. M r . Dilly believes what he has asserted, 
tho' I must confess I agree with you, & doubt it. I have 
sent a small number to D r . Ramsay & M r . Laurens, at 
Charleston. M r . Dilly has sent a few copies to New 
York. I have received by your favor Yol. 1 to 9 of M r . 
Berquin's Friend of Youth, & Vol. 2 of Little Grandison, 
& shall esteem it a particular favor if you '11 be so good 
as to give direction that all after Vol. 9 of the Friend of 
Youth, & Vol. 1, 3, &c, of Little Grandison, may be 
sent by the first opportunity. I have sent to M r . Rich- 
ardson at the Royal Exchange, I believe at least a dozen 
times by his appointment, for the " Remarks on the Tax- 
ation of Free States," & tho' he his [sic] sensible he has 
got many copies, he has not yet been able to find one. 
If I can meet with one, you will receive it thro' the 
Charge des Affairs of France' hands. I am, with great 

Your much obliged & very h ble serv*, 

John Stockdale. 

1787.] JOHN STOCKDALE. 31 


Sir, — I duly reced yours of the 10 th ins* and return 
you my sincere thanks for your kindness in sending the 

little volumes wanted, which I reced by favor of M r . 

of Hatton Garden, & for your attention in forwarding 
the continuation. 

M r Lackington informed me that he had sent you a 
catalogue a fortnight since, but for fear you should not 
have reced it I have sent another, together with some 
other articles, this day. 

I this morning called upon M r . Faden, map engraver, 
&c, at Charing Cross ; he his [sic] a tradesman of the 
strictest honor & integrity in his line of business. I put 
the question candidly to him, " What would be a fair price 
for me to pay for the use of the plate of Virginia?" 
when he gave it as his opinion that " thirty guineas was 
betwixt man & man a fair price for working 1,000." M r . 
Cox, printer in Quality Court, Chancery Lane, is the per- 
son that I employed to work your plate. He has worked 
exactly 1,000 & 25, to supply any accidents that might 
happen by tearing, &c. Notwithstanding M r Faden's 
opinion, I now leave it to you to deduct whatever you 
think proper from your bill, & also be so good as to 
deduct for M r Berquin's works & the other books you 
have been so kind as to send. I will endeavour to find 
out some method to send your books to different parts 
of America as speedily as possible. 
I am, with great respect, Sir, 

Your much obliged and very h ble serv*, 

John Stockbale. 

Piccadilly, London, 21'* Sep*., 1787. 

P. S. I have sent again this day to Richardson's for 
the "Historical Eem k8 on Free States," but they say they 
have not got one left ; but I will endeavour to get one 
from some private gentleman. 




My dear Sir, — Your favor of the li th . of July afforded 
me a great deal of pleasure. It was a new proof of your 
esteem for the individual, & it was replete with informa- 
tion highly interesting to my countrymen. I have 
endeavour'd, & not without success, to convince several 
of our mercantile people, as well as some of our planters, 
how highly beneficial it will be to change the consignment 
of their rice from Great Britain to France ; & that I 
might have some share in accomplishing a measure which 
I have much at heart, I have determined to ship on my 
own account one hundred & fifty or two hundred bar- 
rels. My wishes for advantagious sales are founded in 
public considerations alone ; & I am persuaded I shall not 
be disappointed. I have many reasons for desiring to de- 
prive the British nation of the benefits of this branch of 
our commerce. I will say nothing of the injuries which 
we have recieved from her, or of the unworthy discrim- 
ination which she daily makes between us and other 
powers. But it is a shameful & an unnatural relic of our 
former dependance, to transmit nearly the whole of our 
most valuable staple to a country in which it is not 
consumed, & which before it can be consumed must be 
subjected to a double freight, a double insurance, a variety 
of port charges, & many incidental expences. That the 
connection between France & this country might be drawn 
closer, & that she might not only rival but supplant Great 
Britain in this branch of commerce, two things should be 
attended to : the establishment of some safe free port, 

* Edward Rutledge was born in Charleston, S. C, Nov. 23, 1749, and died there 
Jan. 23, 1800. In 1774 he was sent to the Continental Congress. He took an active 
part in the discussions on the question of independence, and was one of the signers of the 
Declaration, remaining in Congress until 1777. He continued active in public life and 
in the practice of his profession as a lawyer nearly down to the time of his death. In 
171*8 he was elected Governor of South Carolina, but did not live to complete his term 
of ollice. See Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. v., p. 358. — Eds. 


and the obtaining an accurate knowledge of the manner 
in which rice is cleansed at Cowes, in the Isle of White. 
It is necessary that it should undergo some sifting after 
it has been eight or ten weeks in the hole of a vessel ; & at 
the Isle of White it islanded, unpacked, & screen'd, which 
purifies it very much, & fits it for a more distant market. 
The method & the machine with which this is done are 
both very simple, & consequently may be acquired in 
little time & at a moderate expence. The advantages are 
not confined to the rice which may be consumed in France ; 
others will result to both nations from making the French 
port a depot for what shall be intended for foreign mar- 
kets. Altho' I am sanguine in my expectations, I foresee 
one impedement to this intercourse being as immediately 
extensive as I desire ; which is, the immense debt that is 
due from this country to our old friends. Some mercan- 
tile men think it a point of honor to consign their cargoes 
to the persons who are their creditors ; & this inclination, 
well or ill founded, I am not about to enquire, must be 
counterpoised by extra encouragements. All our mer- 
chants, however, are not under this embarrassment ; in the 
exception is the house of Brailsford & Morris. As they 
are unknown to you, they have desired me to say of them 
what I think they deserve ; and I do not exceed their re- 
quest when I tell you that they are a house of punctuality, 
judgment, & good capital ; & that in my opinion they 
may be considered as truly trustworthy. 

I thank you, my good friend, for an offer of a copy of 
the original impression of your Notes on Virginia. I beg 
you will send them ; I shall accept them with a great deal 
of pleasure. You seem to consider the quarter of the 
globe from whence America was peopled, & the man- 
ner, as now reduced to a certainty. But it is not so 
absolutely determined as to preclude conjecture. A gen- 
tleman with a great deal more learning & a great deal 
more sense than I have is convinced that America was 


peopled from Carthage. He maintains that when Hanno, 
their famous admiral, was sent out to settle colonies, some 
of their vessels mist their port of destination, & were never 
able afterwards to regain it ; that the trade-winds blew 
them to the coast of America, thro' the Gulph of Mexico. 
In this opinion he is confirmed from the exact resemblance 
which he observed between the people who inhabit that 
country & the Creek Indians, the first time he saw an 
Indian, & from words of both, sounding alike & convey- 
ing the same meaning. Diodorus Seculus is the author 
who particularly mentions Hanno's voyage. You have 
him at hand, we have him not, & you can refer to him. 
Think of it ; & when I next write you, I will give you at 
large the conjectures of my philosopher : at present I am 
too much engaged in the squabbles of the bar (for we are 
in the midst of our term) to extend this letter. Adieu, my 
dear Sir; keep me in your esteem & believe me to be with 
great truth, 

Yours very sincerely, 

Edward Rutledge. 

Oct'. 23, 1787. 


Philadelphia, Novem r 8 th [1787?]. 

Dear Sir, — About two months ago I received your 
very valuable present of books, mentioned in the last 
letter I had the pleasure to receive from you, for which I 

* David Rittenhouse was born at Germantown, Pa., April 8, 1732, and at a very early 
age showed mechanical ability and a strong bent toward astronomical and mathematical 
6tudies. He was successively employed in determining parts of the boundary lines between 
Pennsylvania and Maryland, New York and New Jersey, and New York and Pennsylvania. 
He also held various public offices, in all of which he acquitted himself with distinction. 
His scientific attainments were recognized both at home and abroad ; and in 1795 he wa9 
chosen an honorary fellow of the Royal Society of London. In 1790, on the death of Frank- 
lin, he was chosen president of the American Philosophical Society, which office he held 
until his death, when he was succeeded by Jefferson. He died in Philadelphia, June 26 
1796. See Renwick's Life of Rittenhouse in Sparks's American Biography, vol. vii. pp. 
297-398; Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. v. pp. 262, 263. — Kds. 


am greatly obliged to you. M. Cassini has sent me a 
copy of the observations made at the Royal Observatory 
at Paris in the year 1786. I am at a loss to direct to 
him ; will it be convenient for you to return my sincere 
thanks to him for the favour ? As soon as I can select 
the most valuable of the astronomical observations I 
have made for some years past I will transmit them to 

him. 1392784 

I think I promised to send you my observations on the 
Western country. Not being able to extend my enquiries 
near so far as I wished I did not think them worth a place 
in the volume of Transactions ; but that they might not 
be intirely lost I permitted them to be printed in the 
" Columbian Magazine " which I have enclosed for you. 
The two American poems, by M r Barlow & M r D wight you 
have certainly seen. These with the poem by Trumbull, 
all of New England, seem to shew that the Northern 
people have taken the lead in this very entertaining path 
of polite literature. Need I mention a word of politics ? 
Your numerous correspondents will furnish you with more 
than can be agreeable on this subject. Your next, I hope, 
will inform me that all disputes between Turks, Russians, 
Swedes, & Danes are settled. If not we must sit down 
with the mortifying conviction that the people of Europe 
are little wiser than they were a century ago. 

My compliments & best wishes for Miss Patty.* Tho' 
the very infirm state of my health keeps the hour of dis- 
solution almost perpetually present in my mind, I still 
promise myself the pleasure of seeing you both. 
I am, dear Sir, with great respect, 
Yours sincerely, &c, 

Dav d Rittenhouse. 

T. Jefferson, Esq r . 
* Martha, Jefferson's eldest daughter. See biographical note to the next letter. — Eds. 



New York, May 16, 1790. 

My dear Patsy, — Yours of the 25 th of April came 
to hand ten days ago, & yesterday I received Mr Randolph's 
of the 3 d instant. When I wrote to him last week, I 
hoped to have been soon rid of the periodical headach 
which had attacked me. It has indeed been remarkeably 
slight since that, but I am not yet quite clear of it. I 
expect every fit to be the last. I inclose the newspapers 
for Mr Randolph. He will probably judge, as the world 
does, from the stile & subject of the discourses on Davila, 
that they are the production of the Vice-president. t On 
Monday last the President was taken with a peripneu- 
mony, of threatening appearance; yesterday (which was 
the 5 th day) he was thought by the physicians to be dying. 
However about 4 aclock in the evening a copious sweat 
came on, his expectoration, which had been thin & ichorous, 
began to assume a well digested form, his articulation 
became distinct, and in the course of two hours it was 
evident he had gone thro' a favorable crisis. He continues 
mending to-day, and from total despair we are now in 
good hopes of him. Indeed, he is thought quite safe. 
My head does not permit me to add more than the affec- 
tionate love to you all of 


Tn : Jefferson. 

Mrs. Randolph. 

* Martha, eldest child of Thomas and Martha (Wayles) (Skelton) Jefferson was born at 
Monticello in September, 1772; and when in her twelfth year accompanied her father to 
France, where she was carefully educated. In 1789 she retun.ed to America with her father, 
and on the 23d of the following February was married to her second cousin, Thomas Mann 
Randolph, Jr., eldest son of Col. Thomas Mann Randolph, of Tuckahoe, by whom she had 
ten children. She died October 10, 1836. — Eds. 

t The Discourses on Davila were first published in the Gazette of the United States, at 
Philadelphia, in 1790. See Works of John Adams, vol. i. pp. 454, 618; vol. vi. p. 225. — 



The Honorable Edmund Pendleton. Caroline County. By the Port 

Royal Mail. 

Philadelphia, July 24, 1791. 

Dear Sir, — I recieved duly your favour of the 13 th , 
and communicated it to the President. The titles of your 
relation were unquestionably strong of themselves, & still 
strengthened by your recommendation ; but the place was 
before proposed to another, whose acceptance will probably 
fix it. 

The President is indisposed with a tumour like that 
he had in New York the year before last. It does not 
as yet seem as if it would come to a head. 

We are wonderfully slow in recieving news from Gen 1 
Scott. t The common accounts give reason to hope his 
expedition has succeeded well. You will have seen the 
rapidity with which the subscriptions to the bank were 
filled ; as yet the delirium of speculation is too strong to 
admit sober reflection. It remains to be seen whether in 
a country whose capital is too small to carry on its own 
commerce, to establish manufactures, erect buildings, &c, 
such sums should have been withdrawn from these useful 
pursuits to be employed in gambling. Whether it was 
well judged to force on the public a paper circulation of 
so many millions, for which they will be paying about 
7 per cent per ann., & thereby banish as many millions of 

* Edmund Pendleton was born in Caroline County, Va., September 9, 1721. His early 
advantages were small, and he began his career in the office of the County Clerk. In 1741 
he was admitted to the bar; and in 1752 he was elected to the House of Burgesses. From 
that time down to his death, October 23, 1803, he filled a conspicuous place in public life as 
legislator and jurist, and was described by Jefferson as " taken all in all the ablest man in 
debate I ever met with." (See Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. iv. pp. 
708, 709; Randall's Life of Jefferson, vol. i. p. 198.) The letter which follows is printed 
from the collection of Jefferson's letters given to the Historical Society by Mr. and Mrs. 
A. C Washburn. — Eds. 

t General Charles Scott, a native of Virginia, who had removed to Kentucky, was then 
serving in St. Clair's unfortunate expedition against the Indians. — Eds. 


gold & silver for which they would have paid no interest. 
I am afraid it is the intention to nourish this spirit of 
gambling by throwing in from time to time new aliment. 
The question of war & peace in Europe is still doubtful. 
The French revolution proceeds steadily, & is, I think, 
beyond the danger of accident of every kind. The success 
of that will ensure the progress of liberty in Europe and 
its preservation here. The failure of that would have 
been a powerful argument with those who wish to intro- 
duce a king, lords, & commons here, a sect which is all 
head & no body. Mr. Madison has had a little bilious 
touch at New York, from which he is recovered, however. 
Adieu, my dear Sir. 

Your affectionate friend & serv\, 

Th: Jefferson. 


Maryland, Baltimore County, near Ellicott's 
Lower Mills, August 19 th , 1791. 

Thomas Jefferson, Secretary of State : Sir, — I 
am fully sencible of the greatness of that freedom which 
I take with you on the present occasion ; a liberty which 
seemed to me scarcely allowable, when I reflected on 
that distinguished, and dignifyed station in which you 
stand ; and the almost general prejudice and preposses- 
sion which is so prevailent in the world against those of 
my complexion. 

* Benjamin Banneker was of pure African descent on his father's side, and probably of 
mixed blood on his mother's side, and was born, in Baltimore County, Maryland, in a wil- 
derness, which afterward became the site of Ellicott's Mills. His early advantages were 
very small, but he seems to have had a natural aptitude for mathematical and astro- 
nomical calculations. When he was about thirty he contrived and made a clock which 
proved a good time-keeper. Thi-ty years later he published his first almanac; and he 
continued to print an almanac every } r ear until 1802. He died in October, 1806. (See 
Latrobe's Memoir of Benjamin Banneker, 1845; Sketch of the Life of Benjamin Banneker, 
read by J. S. Norris before the Maryland Historical Society, 1854.) This letter was 
printed in Latrobe's pamphlet, but with the omission of the important foot-note and the 
postscript. It is now printed from the original manuscript, which is indorsed by Jefferson, 
" Reed. Auir. 20." — Eds. 


I suppose it is a truth too well attested to you to 
need a proof here, that we are a race of beings who have 
long laboured under the abuse and censure of the world, 
that we have long been looked upon with an eye of con- 
tempt, and that we have long been considered rather as 
brutish than human, and scarcely capable of mental 

Sir, I hope I may safely admit, in consequence of that 
report which hath reached me, that you are a man far 
less inflexible in sentiments of this nature than many 
others, that you are measurably friendly and well dis- 
posed toward us, and that you are willing and ready to 
lend your aid and assistance to our relief from those 
many distresses and numerous calamities to which we are 

Now, Sir, if this is founded in truth, I apprehend you 
will readily embrace every oppertunity to eradicate that 
train of absurd and false ideas and oppinions which so 
generally prevails with respect to us, and that your senti- 
ments are concurrent with mine, which are that one 
universal Father hath given being to us all, and that he 
hath not only made us all of one flesh, but that he hath also 
without partiality afforded us all the same sensations, and 
endued us all with the same faculties, and that, however 
variable we may be in society or religion, however diversi- 
fyed in situation or colour, we are all of the same family, 
and stand in the same relation to him. 

Sir, if these are sentiments of which you are fully per- 
suaded, I hope you cannot but acknowledge that it is the 
indispensible duty of those who maintain for themselves 
the rights of human nature, and who profess the obliga- 
tions of Christianity, to extend their power and influence 
to the relief of every part of the human race, from what- 
ever burthen or oppression they may unjustly labour under, 
and this I apprehend a full conviction of the truth and 
obligation of these principles should lead all to. 


Sir, I have long been convinced that if your love for 
your selves and for those inesteemable laws which preserve 
to you the rights of human nature was founded on sin- 
cerity, you could not but be solicitous that every individ- 
ual, of whatsoever rank or distinction, might with you 
equally enjoy the blessings thereof ; neither could you rest 
satisfyed, short of the most active diffusion of your exer- 
tions, in order to their promotion from any state of degra- 
dation to which the unjustifyable cruelty and barbarism of 
men may have reduced them. 

Sir, I freely and chearfully acknowledge that I am of 
the African race, and in that colour which is natural to 
them of the deepest dye,* and it is under a sense of the 
most profound gratitude to the Supreme Ruler of the 
universe that I now confess to you that I am not under 
that state of tyrannical thraldom and inhuman captivity 
to which too many of my brethren are doomed ; but that 
I have abundantly tasted of the fruition of those bless- 
ings which proceed from that free and unequalled liberty 
with which you are favoured, and which I hope you will 
willingly allow you have received from the immediate 
hand of that Being from whom proceedeth every good 
and perfect gift. 

Sir, suffer me to recall to your mind that time in which 
the arms and tyranny of the British crown were exerted 
with every powerful effort in order to reduce you to a 
state of servitude ; look back, I intreat you, on the variety 
of dangers to which you were exposed ; reflect on that 
time in which every human aid appeared unavailable, 
and in which even hope and fortitude wore the aspect 
of inability to the conflict, and you cannot but be led to 
a serious and grateful sense of your miraculous and provi- 
dential preservation ; you cannot but acknowledge that 
the present freedom and tranquility which you enjoy you 

* My father was brought here a slave from Africa. 


have mercifully received, and that it is the peculiar bless- 
ing of Heaven. 

This, Sir, was a time in which you clearly saw into the 
injustice of a state of slavery, and in which you had just 
apprehensions of the horrors of its condition ; it was now, 
Sir, that your abhorrence thereof was so excited that you 
publickly held forth this true and invaluable doctrine, 
which is worthy to be recorded and remember' d in all 
succeeding ages : " We hold these truths to be self-evi- 
dent, that all men are created equal, and that they are 
endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights ; 
that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of 

Here, Sir, was a time in which your tender feelings for 
yourselves had engaged you thus to declare ; you were 
then impressed with proper ideas of the great valuation 
of liberty, and the free possession of those blessings to 
which you were entitled by nature ; but, Sir, how pitiable 
is it to reflect that, altho you were so fully convinced of 
the benevolence of the Father of mankind, and of his 
equal and impartial distribution of those rights and privi- 
leges which he had conferred upon them, that you should 
at the same time counteract his mercies in detaining by 
fraud and violence so numerous a part of my brethren 
under groaning captivity and cruel oppression ; that you 
should at the same time be found guilty of that most 
criminal act, which you professedly detested in others, 
with respect to yourselves. 

Sir, I suppose that your knowledge of the situation 
of my brethren is too extensive to need a recital here ; 
neither shall I presume to prescribe methods by which 
they may be relieved, otherwise than by recommending to 
you and all others to wean yourselves from these narrow 
prejudices which you have imbibed with respect to them, 
and as Job proposed to his friends, " put your souls in 
their souls stead " ; thus shall your hearts be enlarged with 


kindness and benevolence toward them, and thus shall 
yon need neither the direction of myself or others in 
what manner to proceed herein. 

And now, Sir, altho my sympathy and affection for 
my brethren hath caused my enlargement thus far, I ar- 
dently hope that your candour and generosity will plead 
with you in my behalf, when I make known to you that 
it was not originally my design ; but that having taken 
up my pen in order to direct to you, as a present, a copy 
of an almanack which I have calculated for the succeed- 
ing year, I was unexpectedly and unavoidably led thereto. 

This calculation, Sir, is the production of my arduous 
study in this my advanced stage of life ; for having long 
had unbounded desires to become acquainted with the 
secrets of nature, I have had to gratify my curiosity 
herein thro my own assiduous application to astronom- 
ical study, in which I need not to recount to you the 
many difficulties and disadvantages which I have had 
to encounter. 

And altho I had almost declined to make my calcu- 
lation for the ensuing year, in consequence of that time 
which I had allotted therefor being taken up at the 
Federal Territory by the request of M r . Andrew Ellicott,* 
yet rinding myself under several engagements to printers 
of this State, to whom I had communicated my design, 
on my return to my place of residence I industriously 
apply'd myself thereto, which I hope I have accomplished 
with correctness and accuracy ; a copy of which I have 
taken the liberty to direct to you, and which I humbly 
request you will favourably receive, and altho you may 
have the opportunity of perusing it after its publication, 

* Andrew Ellicott, a civil engineer, was born in Bucks County, Penn., Jan. 24, 1751, 
and died at West Point, N. Y., August 29, 1820. His early manhood was passed at Elli- 
cott's Mills, which town was founded by his father and uncle. In 1790 he was employed 
to survey and lay out the city of Washington; and it was doubtless his personal knowledge 
of Banneker's great natural gifts which led him to select Banneker for an assistant in that 
work. See Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. ii. pp. 327, 328. —Eds. 


yet I chose to send it to you in manuscript previous 
thereto, that thereby you might not only have an earlier 
inspection, but that you might also view it in my own 

And now, Sir, I shall conclude, and subscribe myself, 
with the most profound respect, 

Your most obedient humble servant, 

Benjamin Banneker. 

N. B. Any communication to me may be had by a di- 
rection to M r Elias Ellicott, merchant, in Baltimore town. 

B. B. 

As an essay of my calculation is put into the hand of 
M r . Cruckshank, of Philadelphia, for publication, I would 
wish that you might neither have this Almanack copy 
published nor give any printer an opportunity thereof, 
as it might tend to disappoint M r Joseph Cruckshank 
in his sale. B. B. 


Philadelphia, Dec. 12, 1792. 

Sir, — Having asked the favor of Mr Hollingsworth to 
look out for a person in his neighborhood who would be 
willing to go to Virginia and overlook a farm for me, he 
informs me that you will undertake it for a hundred and 
twenty dollars a year. He seems to have mistaken me in 
the circumstance of time, as he mentions that you would 
expect to go about the new year. I had observed to him 
that I should not want a person till after the next harvest. 
The person who now takes care of the place is engaged 
for the ensuing year, which finishes with us about Novem- 
ber ; but I should wish you to be there by seed time in 
order to prepare the crop of the following year. The 
wages are a good deal higher than I expected, as Mr 
Hollingsworth mentioned that the usual wages in your 


neighborhood were from £25. to £30. Maryland currency. 
However I consent to give them, & the rather as there 
will be some matters under your care beyond the lines 
of the farm. I have a smith & some sawyers who will 
require to be seen once a day, and the first year of your 
being there I shall have some people employed in finishing 
a canal, who will also be to be attended to. 

The place you are to overlook is that on which I live, 
& to which I shall return in March next. It is 70 miles 
above Richmond on the North branch of James River, 
exactly where it breaks through the first ridge of little 
mountains, near the village of Charlottesville, in Albe- 
marle county. It is 225 miles from Elkton, a southwest 
course. From this description you may find it in any 
map of the country. The climate is very temperate both 
summer & winter, and as healthy as any part of America, 
without a single exception. 

The farm is of about 5 or 600 acres of cleared land, 
very hilly, originally as rich as any highlands in the world, 
but much worried by Indian corn & tobacco. It is still 
however very strong, & remarkeably friendly to wheat & 
rye. These will be my first object. Next will be grasses, 
cattle, sheep, & the introduction of potatoes for the use of 
the farm, instead of Indian corn, in as great a degree as 
possible. You will have from 12 to 15 laborers under 
you. They will be well clothed, and as well fed as your 
management of the farm will enable us, for it is chiefly with 
a view to place them on the comfortable footing of the labor- 
ers of other countries, that I come into another country 
to seek an overlooker for them, as also to have my lands 
a little more taken care. For these purposes I have long 
banished tobacco, & wish to do the same by Indian corn 
in a great degree. The house wherein you will live will 
be about half a mile from my own. You will of course 
keep batchelor's house. It is usual with us to give a 
fixed allowance of pork ; I shall much rather substitute 


beef & mutton, as I consider pork to be as destructive an 
article in a farm as Indian corn. On this head we shall 
not disagree, and as I shall pass Elkton in March, I will 
contrive to give you notice to meet me there, when we 
may descend to other details. But for the present I shall 
wish to recieve your answer in writing, that I may know 
whether you consider yourself as engaged, so that I need 
not look out for another. I leave you free as to the time 
of going, from harvest till Christmas. If you will get 
yourself conveyed as far as Fredericksburg, which is as 
far as the stages go on that road, I will find means of 
conveying you from thence, which will be 70 miles. So 
far respects the farm over which I wish to place you. 

Besides this I have on the opposite side of the little 
river running through my lands, 2000 acres of lands of 
the same quality, & which has been cultivated in the same 
way, which I wish to tenant out at a quarter of a dollar 
an acre, in farms of such sizes as the tenants would chuse. 
I would hire the labourers now employed on them from 
year to year to the same tenants, at about 50 dollars for 
a man & his wife, the tenant feeding & clothing them & 
paying their taxes & those of the land, which are very 
trifling. The lands to be leased for 7 years or more, the 
laborers only from year to year, to begin next November. 
I would like the farms to be not less than 200 acres, be- 
cause such a farmer would probably like to hire a man & 
his wife as labourers. I have mentioned these circum- 
stances to you, because I have understood that tenants 
might probably be got from Maryland, and perhaps it 
would be agreeable to you to engage some of your ac- 
quaintances to go & settle so near where you will be. 
Perhaps you could inform me in what other part of Mary- 
land or the neighboring States tenants might be more 
probably found, and I should willingly incur the expence 
of having them sought for. Your assistance in this would 
particularly oblige me. I would ease the rent of the first 


year, that the tenant might get himself under way with 
as few difficulties as possible, but I should propose restric- 
tions against cultivating too great a quantity of Indian 

In expectation of hearing from you immediately I am, 
Sir, Your humble sev*, 

Th : Jefferson. 

P. S. There is a market for wheat, rye, &c, in two little 
towns on each side of my lands, neither more than two 
miles & a half distant. 


Philadelphia, Dec. 31, 1792. 

My dear Martha, — I received three days ago Mr Ran- 
dolph's letter of the 14? from Richmond, and received it 
with great joy, as it informed me of the re-establishment 
of dear Anne's health. I apprehend from an expression 
in his letter that some of mine may have miscarried. I 
have never failed to write every Thursday or Friday. 
Percieving by the Richmond paper that the Western post 
now leaves that place on Monday, I change my day of 
writing also to Sunday or Monday. One of the Indian 
chiefs now here, whom you may remember to have seen 
at Monticello a day or two before Tarlton drove us of, 
remembers you & enquired after you. He is of the Pioria 
nation ; perhaps you may recollect that he gave our name 
to an infant son he then had with him, and who, he now 
tells me, is a fine lad. Blanchard is arrived here and is 
to ascend in his balloon within a few days.* The affairs 
of France are going on well. Tell Mr Randolph that I 

* Francois Blanchard, the famous aeronaut, was born in France in 1738, and died there 
March 7, 1809. In 1785 he made his remarkable voyage in a balloon across the British 
Channel with Dr. Jeffries, of Boston. For this successful undertaking Blanchard was 
rewarded by Louis XVI. He made numerous ascensions in Europe and on this side of the 
Atlantic. See Nouvelle Biographie Generale, tome vi. pp. 188, 189. — Eds. 

1793.] ELI WHITNEY. 47 

write him a letter by this post in answer to the application 
to rent Elkhall, but under the possibility that the sale of 
it may be completed, I inclose his letter to Mr. Hylton 
with a desire that he will return it to me if the place is 
sold, otherwise to forward it to Mr Randolph. My best 
esteem to him and our friends with you. Adieu, my dear. 
Yours affectionately, 

Th : Jeffekson. 

Mrs. Randolph. 


The Hon. Thomas Jefferson, Esq., Secretary of State for the United 


New Haven, Nov. 24 th , 1793. 

Respected Sir, — I received your favor of the 16 th inst 
yesterday, and with pleasure take the earliest opportunity 
to answer your enquiries concerning my machine for 
cleaning cotton. 

It is about a year since I first turned my attention to 
constructing this machine, at which time I was in the 
State of Georgia. Within about ten days after my first 
conception of the plan, I made a small, though imperfect 
model. Experiments with this encouraged me to make 
one on a larger scale. But the extreme difficulty of pro- 
curing workmen and proper materials in Georgia, pre- 
vented my completing the larger one, untill some time in 
April last. This though much larger than my first 
attempt, is not above one third so large as the machines 
may be made with convenience. The cylinder is only 
two feet two inches in length and six inches diameter. 
It is turned by hand and requires the strength of one man 
to keep it in constant motion. It is the stated task of one 

* Eli Whitney, the inventor of the cotton-gin, was born at Westborough, Mass., Dec. 
8, 1765, graduated at Yale College in 1792, made his great invention in the same year 
while living in Georgia, and died at New Haven, Conn., Jan. 8, 1825. See Appleton's 
Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. vi. pp. 488, 489; Olmsted's Memoir of Eli Whit- 
ney. — Eds. 


negro to clean fifty w*. (I mean fifty pounds after it is 
seperated from the seed) of the green seed cotton p r . day. 
This task he usually completes by one o'clock in the after- 
noon. He is paid so much p r . lb. for all he cleans over 
and above his task, and for ten or fifteen days successively 
he has cleared from sixty to eighty w\ p r . day and left 
work every day before sunset. The machine cleaned fif- 
teen hundred weight in about four weeks, which cotton 
was examined in N. York, the quality declared good and 
sold in market at the highest price. 

I have, Sir, been thus particular in relating the experi- 
ence I have had of the performance of this machine, that 
you may be the better able to judge of its utility & success. 

I have not had much experience in cleaning the black 
seed cotton. I only know that it will clean this kind 
considerably faster than it will the green seeded, but how 
much I cannot say. 

After the workmen are acquainted with the business, I 
should judge, the real expence of one which will clean a 
hundred w fc . pr day, would not exceed the price of ten of 
those in common use. 

I shall have another person concerned with me in carry- 
ing on the business after the patent is obtained.* We 
have not yet determined at what price we shall sell the 
machines, it will, however, be so low as to induce the pur- 
chaser to give them a preference to any other. 

We are now erecting one on a large scale, to be turned 
by horses, for our own use, and I do not think it will be 
in our power to make any for sale this winter. 

This, Sir, is not the machine advertised by Pearce at 
the Patterson Manufactory. I never saw a machine of 
any kind whatever for ginning cotton, untill several 
months after I invented this for which I have applied for 
a patent. Some time last spring, I saw it mentioned in 

* Phineas Miller, a native of Connecticut, and a graduate of Yale College, in the class of 
1785. - Eds. 


a Savannah news-paper that M r Pearce of New Jersey had 
invented a machine for ginning cotton, but there was no 
mention made of the construction. I have since under- 
stood that his improvement was only a multiplication of 
the small rollers used in the common gins. This is every 
thing I know concerning the machine to which I suppose 
you allude in your postscript. 

I think the machine is well calculated for family use. 
It may be made on a very small scale and yet perform in 
proportion to its size. I believe one might be made within 
the compass of two cubic feet, that would cleanse all the 
cotton which any one family manufactures for its own use. 
The machine itself does considerable towards carding the 
cotton, and I have no doubt but by leaving out the clearer 
and adding three or four cylinders covered with card-teeth, 
it would deliver the cotton completely prepared for spin- 
ning. You will be able to form a more perfect idea of 
the machine from the model, which will be so complete 
as to perform the opperation of seperating the cotton from 
the seed. 

It is my intention to come to Philadelphia within a few 
weeks and bring the model myself ; but pe[rhaps] it will 
not be in my power, in which case I s[hall] send forward 
the model with an order for the patent. 

I am, respected Sir, your very hum bl serv*., 

Eli Whitney. 

The Hon. Tho s Jefferson, Esq. 


John Taylor, Caroline, near the Bowling-green. 

Monticello, Dec. 29, 1794. 

Dear Sir, — I have long owed you a letter, for which 
my conscience would not have let me rest in quiet but on 

* John Taylor, an eminent statesman and agriculturist, was born in Orange County, 
Virginia, in 1750, and graduated at William and Mary College in 1770. He became a 



the consideration that the paiment would not be worth 
your acceptance. The debt is not merely for a letter the 
common traffic of every day, but for valuable ideas, which 
instructed me, which I have adopted, & am acting on 
them. I am sensible of the truth of your observations 
that the atmosphere is the great storehouse of matter for 
recruiting our lands, that tho' efficacious, it is slow in it's 
operation, and we must therefore give them time instead 
of the loads of quicker manure given in other countries, 
that for this purpose we must avail ourselves of the great 
quantities of land we possess in proportion to our labour, 
and that while putting them to nurse with the atmosphere, 
we must protect them from the bite & tread of animals, 
which are nearly a counterpoise for the benefits of the 
atmosphere. As good things, as well as evil, go in a train, 
this relieves us from the labor & expence of crossfences, 
now very sensibly felt on account of the scarcity & dis- 
tance of timber. I am accordingly now engaged in apply- 
ing my cross fences to the repair of the outer ones 
and substituting rows of peach trees to preserve the 
boundaries of the fields. And though I observe your 
strictures on rotations of crops, yet it appears that in 
this I differ from you only in words. You keep half 
your lands in culture, the other half at nurse ; so I 
propose to do. Your scheme indeed requires only four 
years & mine six ; but the proportion of labour & rest 
is the same. My years of rest, however, are employed, 
two of them in producing clover, yours in volunteer 
herbage. But I still understand it to be your opinion 
that clover is best where lands will produce them. In- 
deed I think that the important improvement for which 

planter, and was greatly interested in the improvement of agriculture. In 1797 he was 
one of the Presidential Electors, and in the following year he moved in the Virginia 
House of Deputies the famous resolutions of 1798. He died in Caroline County, Vir- 
ginia, August 20, 1824. (See Appleton'a Cyclopedia of American Biography, vol. vi. p. 45.) 
This letter is printed from the original in the collection of autographs given to the Society 
by Mr. and Mrs. A. C Washburn. — Eds. 


the world is indebted to Young is the substitution of 
clover crops instead of unproductive fallows ; & the 
demonstration that lands are more enriched by clover 
than by volunteer herbage or fallows ; and the clover 
crops are highly valuable. That our red lands which 
are still in tolerable heart will produce fine clover I 
know from the experience of the last year ; and indeed 
that of my neighbors had established the fact. And 
from observations on accidental plants in the feilds 
which have been considerably harrassed with corn, I 
believe that even these will produce clover fit for soil- 
ing of animals green. I think, therefore, I can count 
on the success of that improver. My third year of rest 
will be devoted to cowpenning, & to a trial of the 
buckwheat dressing. A further progress in surveying 
my open arable lands has shewn me that I can have 
7 fields in each of my farms where I expected only 
six ; consequently that I can add more to the portion 
of rest & ameliorating crops. I have doubted on a 
question on which I am sure you can advise me well, 
whether I had better give this newly acquired year as 
an addition to the continuance of my clover, or throw 
it with some improving crop between two of my crops 
of grain, as for instance between my corn & rye. I 
strongly incline to the latter, because I am not satisfied 
that one cleansing crop in seven years will be sufficient ; 
and indeed I think it important to separate my exhaust- 
ing crops by alternations of amelioraters. With this 
view I think to try an experiment of what Judge 
Parker informs me he practises. That is, to turn in 
my wheat stubble the instant the grain is off, and sow 
turneps to be fed out by the sheep. But whether this 
will answer in our fields which are harrassed, I do not 
know. We have been in the habit of sowing only our 
freshest lands in turneps, hence a presumption that 
wearied lands will not bring them. But Young's making 


turneps to be fed on by sheep the basis of his improve- 
ment of poor lands, affords evidence that tho they may 
not bring great crops, they will bring them in a suf- 
ficient degree to improve the lands. I will try that 
experiment, however, this year, as well as the one of 
buckwheat. I have also attended to another improver 
mentioned by you, the winter-vetch, & have taken meas- 
ures to get the seed of it from England, as also of the 
Siberian vetch which Millar greatly commends, & being a 
biennial might perhaps take the place of clover in lands 
which do not suit that. The winter vetch I suspect may 
be advantageously thrown in between crops, as it 
gives a choice to use it as green feed in the spring if 
fodder be run short, or to turn it in as a green-dressing. 
My rotation, with these amendments, is as follows : — 

1. Wheat, followed the same year by turneps, to be fed 
on by the sheep. 

2. Corn & potatoes mixed, & in autumn the vetch to 
be used as fodder in the spring if wanted, or to be turned 
in as a dressing. 

3. Peas or potatoes, or both according to the quality of 
the field. 

4. Rye and clover sown on it in the spring. Wheat 
may be substituted here for rye, when it shall be found 
that the 2 d , 3 d , 5 th , & 6 th fields will subsist the farm. 

5. Clover. 

6. Clover, & in autumn turn it in & sow the vetch. 

7. Turn in the vetch in the spring, then sow buck- 
wheat & turn that in, having hurdled off the poorest 
spots for cowpenning. In autumn sow wheat to begin the 
circle again. 

I am for throwing the whole force of my husbandry 
on the wheat-field, because it is the only one which is to 
go to market to produce money. Perhaps the clover may 
bring in something in the form of stock. The other feilds 
are merely for the consumption of the farm. Melilot, 


mentioned by you, I never heard of. The horse bean I 
tried this last year. It turned' out nothing. The Presi- 
dent has tried it without success. An old English farmer 
of the name of Spuryear, settled in Delaware, has tried it 
there with good success ; but he told me it would not clo 
without being well shaded, and I think he planted it 
among his corn for that reason. But he acknoleged our 
pea was as good an ameliorater & a more valuable pulse, 
as being food for man as well as horse. The succory is 
what Young calls Chicoria Intubus. He sent some seed 
to the President, who gave me some, & I gave it to my 
neighbors to keep up till I should come home. One of 
them has cultivated it with great success, is very fond of 
it, and gave me some seed which I sowed last spring. 
Tho' the summer was favorable it came on slowly at first, 
but by autumn became large & strong. It did not seed 
that year, but will the next, & you shall be furnished 
with seed. I suspect it requires rich ground, & then pro- 
duces a heavy crop for green feed for horses & cattle. I 
had poor success with my potatoes last year, not having 
made more than 60 or 70 bushels to the acre. But my 
neighbors having made good crops, I am not disheartened. 
The first step towards the recovery of our lands is to find 
substitutes for corn & bacon. I count on potatoes, clover, 
& sheep. The two former to feed every animal on the 
farm except my negroes, & the latter to feed them, diver- 
sified with rations of salted fish & molasses, both of them 
wholesome, agreeable, & cheap articles of food. 

For pasture I rely on the forests by day, & soiling in 
the evening. Why could we not have a moveable airy 
cow house, to be set up in the middle of the feild which is 
to be dunged, & soil our cattle in that thro' the summer 
as well as winter, keeping them constantly up & well lit- 
tered ? This, with me, would be in the clover feild of the 
l 8 * year, because during the 2? year it would be rotting, 
and would be spread on it in fallow the beginning of the 


3?, but such an effort would be far above the present tyro 
state of my farming. The grosser barbarisms in culture 
which I have to encounter, are more than enough for all 
my attentions at present. The dung-yard must be my 
last effort but one. The last would be irrigation. It 
might be thought at first view, that the interposition of 
these ameliorations or dressings between my crops will be 
too laborious, but observe that the turneps & two dress- 
ings of vetch do not cost a single ploughing. The turn- 
ing in the wheat-stubble for the turneps is the fallow 
for the corn of the succeeding year. The l 8 .* sowing of 
vetches is on the corn (as is now practised for wheat), 
and the turning it in is the flush-ploughing for the crop 
of potatoes & peas. The 2? sowing of the vetch is on the 
wheat fallow, & the turning it in is the ploughing nec- 
essary for sowing the buckwheat. These three amelio- 
rations, then, will cost but a harrowing each. On the 
subject of the drilled husbandry, I think experience has 
established it's preference for some plants, as the turnep, 
pea, bean, cabbage, corn, &c, and that of the broadcast 
for other plants as all the bread grains & grasses, except 
perhaps lucerne & S*. foin in soils & climates very produc- 
tive of weeds. In dry soils & climates the broadcast is 
better for lucerne & S* foin, as all the south of France can 

I have imagined and executed a mould-board which 
may be mathematically demonstrated to be perfect, as 
far as perfection depends on mathematical principles, 
and one great circumstance in it's favor is that it may 
be made by the most bungling carpenter, & cannot pos- 
sibly vary a hair's breadth in it's form, but by gross 
negligence. You have seen the musical instrument called 
a sticcado. Suppose all it 's sticks of equal length, hold 
the fore-end horizontally on the floor to receive the turf 
which presents itself horizontally, and with the right 
hand twist the hind-end to the perpendicular, or rather 


as much beyond the perpendicular as will be necessary 
to cast over the turf completely. This gives an idea 
(tho not absolutely exact) of my mould-board. It is 
on the principle of two wedges combined at right angles, 
the first in the direct line of the furrow to raise the 
turf gradually, the other across the furrow to turn it over 
gradually. For both these purposes the wedge is the in- 
strument of the least resistance. I will make a model 
of the mould-board & lodge it with Col° Harvie in Rich- 
mond for you. This brings me to my thanks for the drill 
plough lodged with him for me, which I now expect every 
hour to receive, and the price of which I have deposited 
in his hands to be called for when you please. A good 
instrument of this kind is almost the greatest desideratum 
in husbandry. I am anxious to conjecture beforehand 
what may be expected from the sowing turneps in jaded 
ground, how much from the acre, & how large they will 
be ? Will your experience enable you to give me a prob- 
able conjecture ? Also what is the produce of potatoes, & 
what of peas in the same kind of ground ? It must now 
have been several pages since you began to cry out 
' mercy/ In mercy then I will here finish with my 
affectionate remembrance to my old friend Mr. Pendle- 
ton, & respects to your fireside, & to yourself assurances 
of the sincere esteem of, dear Sir, 

Your friend & serv*, 

Mr. Taylor. . Th : JEFFERSON. 


Monticello, Nov. 28, '96. 

It is so cold that the freezing of the ink on the point of 
my pen renders it difficult to write. We have had the 
thermometer at 12°. My works are arrested in a state 
entirely unfinished, & I fear we shall not be able to resume 
them. Clarke has sold our wheat in Bedford for 8/6 and 


the rise to the 1 st of June, with some other modifications. 
It appears to be a good sale. He preferred it to 10/6 cer- 
tain, which was offered him. I think he was right as 
there is little appearance of any intermission of the war. 
I thank you for your letter of news, and am glad to see 
the republican pre-eminence in our assembly. The paper 
you inclosed me presents a result entirely questionable, 
according to my own ideas of the subject. The preponder- 
ance of the McKean interest in the western counties of 
Pennsylvania is by no means so great as is there supposed. 
You will believe the true dispositions of my mind on that 
subject. It is not the less true, however, that I do sin- 
cerely wish to be the second on that vote rather than the 
first. The considerations which induce this preference 
are solid, whether viewed with relation to interest, happi- 
ness, or reputation. Ambition is long since dead in my 
mind. Yet even a well-weighed ambition would take the 
same side. My new threshing machine will be tried this 
week. P. Carr is on the point of marriage. All are well 
here, and join in the hope of your continuing so. Adieu. 


To Wilson Cary Nicholas, Esq r , in Richm' 1 . 

Red-hill, Nov r . 29 th , 1796. 

Dear Sir, — I feel myself under very great obligations 
to you for your letter which I rec d . yesterday. The ap- 

* Patrick Henry was born at Studley, Hanover County, Virginia. May 20. 1736, and 
died in Red Hill, Charlotte County, June 6, 1799. His life has been often written. The 
letter now printed no doubt refers to his election for the third time as Governor of Virginia, 
which office he declined. See letter of the same date in Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry, 
p. 388. — Eds. 

f Wilson Cary Nicholas, a son of Robert Carter Nicholas, and one of the most conspicu- 
ous public men of his time in Virginia, was born in Hanover, Va., about 1757, and died at 
Milton, Oct. 10, 1820. He was a member of the United States Senate from 1799 to 1804, 
and of the House of Representatives from 1807 to 1809, and Governor of Virginia from 1814 
to 1817. See Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography, vol. iv. p. 511; Lanman's 
Biographical Annals of the Government of the United States, p. 311. — Eds. 

1796.] PATRICK HENRY. 57 

proving voice of my country which reaches me in this 
retirement is sweet & consolatory amidst those incidents 
which pester human life more or less, especially in its 
decline. This approbation is the highest reward a repub- 
lican goverment can or ought to bestow, or a citizen de- 
sire or expect, — and I feel, by receiving it, full payment 
for my exertions such as they have been, & even if they 
had been very much greater & more beneficial to my coun- 
try. But I do not understand fully what is the danger of 
the crisis spoken of. France no doubt wishes us to be in 
the war with her. Early in it I tho* I saw a fine opening, 
but that is past. 'T is too late for us to find any interest 
in taking part in it. If the rulers who for the time 
administer the affairs of republics do quarrel, war is not 
the consequence unless the people of both nations also 
quarrel. In our case some ships may be plundered, but 
surely war & fighting between Americans & Frenchmen 
cannot happen 'til human affairs have gone another 
round, & flowed in a new channel. The enemy we have 
to fear is the degeneracy, luxury, & vices of the present 
times. Let us be allyed ag*. these & we secure the happi- 
ness & liberty of our country. They will be short lived if 
the national manners do not undergo a change & become 
assimilated to the republican character. 

I cannot enlarge as the express waits. I can only say 
that the right I exercise of staying at home will cease if 
violence is offered to our country or its rights. 

I leave the office of Gov r tendered to me in so hand- 
some & honorable a manner, open for the admission of 
some one of the many citizens amongst us who can fill it 
with propriety. Adeiu, my dear Sir, & am 
Your obliged servant, 

P. Henry. 

Hurry stops me from enlarging. 

W. C. Nicholas, Eq? 



Free. Th : Jefferson. John Taylor, Esq. Caroline, to be lodged 
at the Bowling green. 

Th : J. to Mr. Taylor. Monticello, Oct. 8, '97. 

We have heard much here of an improvement made in 
the Scotch threshing machine by Mr. Martin, and that 
you have seen & approved it.t Being myself well ac- 
quainted with the original geered machine & Booker's sub- 
stitution of whirls & bands (as I have one of each kind), it 
will perhaps give you but a little trouble to give me so 
much of an explanation as will be necessary to make me 
understand Martin's, and let it apply, if you please, to the 
movements by horses or by hand. I must ask the favor 
of you to get me one of the same drills you sent me before, 
made in the best manner, with a compleat set of bands & 
buckets, and packed in a box, in pieces, in the most com- 
pact manner the workman can do it, & forwarded to me at 
Philadelphia as soon after the meeting of Congress as pos- 
sible. It is for a friend, & to go still further, which ren- 
ders this mode of packing necessary. For the amount 
when you will make it known, I will either inclose you a 
bank bill from Philadelphia, or send it you in fine tea or 
anything else you please to order. How did your turnep 
seed answer ? I have received from England, & also from 
Italy some seed of the winter vetch, a plant from which I 
expect a good deal. If it answers I will send you of the 
seed. I have also received all the good kinds of field pea 
from England, but I count a great deal more on our south- 
ern cow-pea. If you wish any of them, I will send you 
a part. 

* Printed from the original in the Washburn Collection of Autographs given to the 
Society. — Eds. 

t See the letter from Jefferson to Taylor, June 4, 1798, post, p. 61. — Eds. 


I have not yet seen Hamilton's pamphlet ; * but I 
understand that finding the streight between Scylla & 
Charybdis too narrow for his steerage, he has preferred 
running plump on one of them. In truth, it seems to 
work very hard with him ; and his willingness to plead 
guilty as to the adultery seems rather to have strength- 
ened than weakened the suspicions that he was in truth 
guilty of the speculations. Present me respectfully & 
affectionately to my old friend & file-leader, Mr. Pen- 
dleton, and accept yourself my friendly salutations & 

P. S. Your answer by the 1 st or 2 d post will find me 


Philadelphia, Jan. 14, 1798. 

Dear Sir, — I recieved some time ago from Mr. Ed- 
mund Randolph a note signed by Mr. Lyons & yourself, 
undertaking to pay the amount of a decree of Royle's 
admrs v. yourselves as admrs of Robinson to Mr. Short 
or myself as his attorney. This undertaking is perfectly 
satisfactory, and I only wait your pleasure to be signified 
as to the time when and place where it may suit you to 
make the paiment. As it was to depend on the sale of 
stock I should suppose this the best market, but of this 
you will judge. 

We receive this day through the public papers news by 
the way of Norfolk of some stern interrogatories put to our 
envoys by the French Directory. They look so like truth 
that they cannot fail to make an impression. We are 

* The pamphlet referred to is the well-known " Observations on Certain Documents 
contained in No. v. & vi. of ' The History of the United States for the Year 1796,' m which 
the charge of speculation against Alexander Hamilton, late Secretary of the Treasury, is 
fully refuted. Written by Himself." — Eds. 

t Printed from the original in the Washburn Collection of Autographs given to the 
Society. — Eds. 


willing to hope that France will not push her resentments 
to a declaration of war, but we have not entire confidence 
in the moderation of certain people among ourselves. On 
the whole our situation is truly perilous. Congress is at 
present lying on it's oars. There is nothing of the least 
importance to be taken up. They will begin to-morrow 
to talk about Blount & Mr. Liston.* This may fill up 
some hours as well as lounging, and furnish something 
for the blank pages of their journals ; but unless our 
envoys furnish us something to do, I do not see how we 
can contrive even the semblance of business through 

I avail myself with great pleasure of this opportunity of 
recalling our antient recollections ; and it has been with 
great satisfaction that I have heard from time to time of 
the great portion of health you have enjoyed & still enjoy. 
That it may continue thro all the years you wish is the 
prayer of, my dear Sir, 

Your affectionate friend & serv*, 

Tn: Jefferson. 

Hcmble Edmund Pendleton. 

* William Blount, lately Governor of the Territory south of the Ohio, and a senator 
from Tennessee, was charged with having been engaged in a conspiracy for transferring 
New Orleans and the neighboring districts from the Spanish to the British. Upon infor- 
mation, furnished in part by Robert Liston, the British envoy to the United States from 
1796 to 1802, which had been laid before Congress, the House of Representatives voted in 
July, 1797, to impeach him. Two days later, after hearing counsel, the Senate voted to 
expel him. This did not, however, end the matter, and in January, 1798, it was again 
brought before the House of Representatives, which proceeded to elect managers. It was 
not finally disposed of by the Senate until the end of that year. Blount died shortly 
afterward. See Hildreth's History of the United States, vol. v. pp. 88, 89, 187, 281, 282; 
Annals of Congress, 5th Congress, vols, i.-'m. passim ; also the copy of a letter from Timo- 
thy Pickering to Rufus King, in the Pickering Papers, belonging to this Society, vol. 
xxxvii. leaves 19G, 197. — Eds. 



John Taylor, Caroline, near Port Royal. 

Th : Jefferson to J. Taylor. 

Philadelphia, June 4, '98. 

I now inclose you Mr. Martin's patent.! A patent 
had actually been made out on the first description, and 
how to get this suppressed and another made for a second 
invention, without a second fee, was the difficulty. I 
practised a little art in a case where honesty was really 
on our side, & nothing against us but the rigorous let- 
ter of the law, and having obtained the 1 st specification 
and got the 2 d put in its place, a second patent has been 
formed, which I now inclose with the first specification. 

I promised you, long ago, a description of a mould 
board. I now send it ; it is a press copy & therefore dim. 
It will be less so by putting a sheet of white paper be- 
hind the one you are reading. I would recommend to 
you first to have a model made of about 3 i. to the foot, 
or \ the real dimensions, and to have two blocks, the 1 st 
of which, after taking out the pyramidal piece & sawing 
it crosswise above & below, should be preserved in that 
form to instruct workmen in making the large & real one. 
The 2 d block may be carried through all the operations, 
so as to present the form of the mould board complete. 
If I had an opportunity of sending you a model I would 
do it. It has been greatly approved here, as it has been 
before by some very good judges at my house, where I 
have used it for 5 years with entire approbation. 

Mr. New shewed me your letter on the subject of the 
patent, which gave me an opportunity of observing what 
you said as to the effect with you of public proceedings, 

* Printed from the original in the Washburn Collection of Autographs given to the 
Society. — Eds. 

t A patent for a "wheat-thrashing machine" was issued to T. C. Martin, June 2, 1798. 
His residence is not given in the Index to the United States Patents. — Eds. 


and that it was not unusual now to estimate the separate 
mass of Virginia and N. Carolina with a view to their 
separate existence. It is true that we are compleatly 
under the saddle of Massachusets & Connecticut, and 
that they ride us very hard, cruelly insulting our feel- 
ings as well as exhausting our strength and substance. 
Their natural friends, the three other eastern States, join 
them from a sort of family pride, and they have the art 
to divide certain other parts of the Union so as to make 
use of them to govern the whole. This is not new. It 
is the old practice of despots to use a part of the people 
to keep the rest in order, and those who have once got 
an ascendency and possessed themselves of all the re- 
sources of the nation, their revenues and offices, have 
immense means for retaining their advantages. But our 
present situation is not a natural one. The body of our 
countrymen is substantially republican through every 
part of the Union. It was the irresistable influence & 
popularity of Gen 1 Washington, played off by the cun- 
ning of Hamilton, which turned the government over to 
anti-republican hands, or turned the republican members, 
chosen by the people, into anti-republicans. He delivered 
it over to his successor in this state, and very untoward 
events, since improved with great artifice, have produced 
on the public mind the impression we see ; but still, I 
repeat it, this is not the natural state. Time alone would 
bring round an order of things more correspondent to 
the sentiments of our constituents; but are there not 
events impending which will do it within a few months ? 
The invasion of England, the public and authentic avowal 
of sentiments hostile to the leading principles of our Con- 
stitution, the prospect of a war in which we shall stand 
alone, land-tax, stamp-tax, increase of public debt, &c. 
Be this as it may, in every free & deliberating society 
there must, from the nature of man, be opposite parties 
& violent dissensions & discords ; and one of these, for 


the most part, must prevail over the other for a longer 
or shorter time. Perhaps this party division is neces- 
sary to induce each to watch & delate to the people 
the proceedings of the other. But if on a temporary 
superiority of the one party, the other is to resort 'to 
a scission of the Union, no federal government can 
ever exist. If to rid ourselves of the present rule of 
Massachusets & Connecticut we break the Union, will 
the evil stop there ? Suppose the N. England States 
alone cut off, will our natures be changed ? are we not 
men still to the south of that, & with all the passions of 
men ? Immediately we shall see a Pennsylvania & a 
Virginia party arise in the residuary confederacy, and 
the public mind will be distracted with the same party 
spirit. What a game, too, will the one party have in 
their hands by eternally threatening the other that unless 
they do so & so, they will join their Northern neighbors. 
If we reduce our Union to Virginia & N. Carolina, imme- 
diately the conflict will be established between the repre- 
sentatives of these two States, and they will end by 
breaking into their simple units. Seeing, therefore, that 
an association of men who will not quarrel with one 
another is a thing which never yet existed, from the 
greatest confederacy of nations down to a town meeting 
or a vestry, seeing that we must have somebody to quar- 
rel with, I had rather keep our New England associates 
for that purpose than to see our bickerings transferred to 
others. They are circumscribed within such narrow lim- 
its, & their population so full, that their numbers will 
ever be the minority, and they are marked, like the Jews, 
with such a peculiarity of character as to constitute from 
that circumstance the natural division of our parties. A 
little patience, and we shall see the reign of witches pass 
over, their spells dissolve, and the people, recovering 
their true sight, restore their government to it's true prin- 
ciples. It is true that in the mean time we are suffering 


deeply in spirit, and incurring the horrors of a war & 
long oppressions of enormous public debt. But who can 
say what would be the evils of a scission, and when & 
where they would end ? Better keep together as Ave are, 
hawl off from Europe as soon as we can, & from all at- 
tachments to any portions of it. And if we feel their 
power just sufficiently to hoop us together, it will be the 
happiest situation in which we can exist. If the game 
runs sometimes against us at home we must have patience 
till luck turns, & then we shall have an opportunity of 
winning back the principles we have lost, for this is a 
game where principles are the stake. Better luck, there- 
fore, to us all ; and health, happiness, & friendly saluta- 
tions to yourself. Adieu. 

P. S. It is hardly necessary to caution you to let 
nothing of mine get before the public. A single sen- 
tence, got hold of by the Porcupines, will suffice to abuse 
& persecute me in their papers for months. 


Philadelphia, Jan. 17, 99. 

I wrote to my dear Martha Dec. 27, and to yourself 
Jan. 3. I am afraid my nailery will stop from the want 
of rod. 3 tons were sent from hence Dec. 11. The vessel 
was blown off the capes and deserted by the crew. She 
has been taken up at sea and carried into Albemarle 
Sound. We are in hopes, however, of getting off another 
supply from here immediately as the river bids fair to 
open. The shutting of the river has prevented any tob°. 
coming here as yet ; so nothing is known about price. At 
New York the new tob°. is 13 Doll. Georgia has sent a 
much larger quantity there than had been expected, & of 
such a quality as to place it next to the Virginia. It is 
at 11 D. while the tob°. of the Carolinas & Maryland are 


but 10 D. I suspect that the price will be at it's maxi- 
mum this year. Whether that will be more than 13 D. I 
do not know, but I think it will. When this city comes 
into the market, it must greatly increase the demand. 
We know too that immense sums of cash are gone & going 
on to Virginia, such as were never before heard of. Every 
stage is loaded. Some pretend here it is merely to pay 
for last year's tob ., but we know that that was in a con- 
siderable degree paid for ; & I have no doubt that a great 
part of this money is to purchase the new crop. If I were 
offered 13 D. in Richmond, perhaps I should take it, for 
the sake of securing certain objects, but my judgment 
would condemn it. Wheat here is 1.75. D r . Bache sets 
out for our neighborhood next month early, having con- 
cluded absolutely to settle there. He is now breaking up 
his house and beginning to pack. D r . Logan tells me 
Dupont de Nemours is coming over, and decided to settle 
in our neighborhood. I always considered him as the 
ablest man in France. I ordered Bache's papers for you 
from Jan. 1.* The moment I can get answers from the 
Postmasters of Charlottesville & Milton to letters I wrote 
them a fortnight ago, we shall have the error of our mail 
corrected. It will turn out, I believe, to have taken place 
here by making up the mail a day too late, which occa- 
sioned a loss of a week at Fredericksburg. The bankrupt 
bill was yesterday rejected in the H. of R. by a majority 
of 3. Logan's law will certainly pass.f Nobody mistakes 
the object of it. The forgery they attempted to palm on 
the house, of a memorial falsely pretended to have been 

* The "Aurora," -which violently opposed the administrations of Washington and 
Adams, was published by Benjamin Franklin Bache, a grandson of Dr. Franklin, — Eds. 

t The act here referred to was passed Jan. 30, 1799, and made it a criminal offence, 
punishable by a fine and imprisonment, for any citizen of the United States, without the 
permission of his own government, to carry on any verbal or written correspondence or 
intercourse with any foreign government or its agents in regard to any disputes with the 
United States. The act was occasioned by some unauthorized communications made to the 
French government by Dr. George Logan, afterward a Senator of the United States from 
Pennsylvania. See Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. iv. p. 4. — Eds. 



drawn & presented by Logan, is so completely detected, 
as to have thrown infamy on the whole proceeding, but a 
majority will still go through with it. The army & navy 
are steadily pursued. The former, with our old troops, 
will make up about 14,000 men, and consequently cost 
annually 7 millions of dollars. The navy will cost annu- 
ally 5J millions, but as it will not be on foot, no addition 
to the direct tax will be made at this session, nor perhaps 
at the next. It is very evident from circumstances that a 
window tax is intended. A loan for 5 millions is opened 
at 8 per cent. The extravagance of the interest will occa- 
sion it to fill. This it is supposed will build the navy. 
Our taxes bring in this year 10 J millions clear, and the 
direct tax will add 2 millions. According to the principles 
settled by a (British) majority of the commissioners under 
the treaty, that demand will be from 15 to 20 millions of 
D., but there is some reason to suppose our government 
will not yield to it. In that case they must recur to new 
negotiations. Notwithstanding the forgeries of London, 
Vienna, & Constantinople, it is believed that Buonaparte 
will establish himself in Egypt, & that that is, for the 
present at least, his ultimate object. Also that the insur- 
rection in Ireland is in force & better organized than 
before. My warmest love to my dear Martha & the little 
ones ; to yourself affectionate salutations & Adieu. 


John Taylor, Esquire, of Caroline, now in Richmond. 

Monticello, Nov. 20, 1799. 

Dear Sir, — M r Wirt, who is of my neighborhood, 
offers himself a candidate for the clerkship of the II. of 
Repr., and being known to few of the members, his friends 

* Printed from tho original in the Washburn Collection of Autographs given to this 
Society. — Eds. 


are naturally anxious that what may be said of him with 
truth should be said.* I only fulfill a duty, therefore, 
when I bear testimony in this as I would in any other 
case. He has lived several years my near neighbor, hav- 
ing married the daughter of the late D r Gilmer. He is a 
person of real genius and information, one of the ablest 
at the bars in this part of the country, amiable & worthy 
in his private character, & in his republicanism most zeal- 
ous & active. This information is given you in order that 
having equal knowledge of the other candidates you may 
be enabled to satisfy your own mind by chusing the best. 

For some years past there has been a project on foot for 
making a more direct road across this State for those 
travelling between the North & South. It is only neces- 
sary to open it in parts, as there are already roads through 
a great proportion of the way. It is to lead from George- 
town by Stevensburg, Norman's ford, the Raccoon ford, 
Martin King's ford, the mouth of Slate River, to the High 
bridge on Appamattox, from whence the present roads 
southwardly suffice. It will shorten the line across this 
State probably 50 miles, is calculated on the precise object 
of avoiding all hills, but at the crossing of the principal 
watercourses, and will undoubtedly be the best road for 
the principal mail between the North & South. This 
matter will be before you this session, and will be worthy 
your attention. 

Some schismatic appearances and other political cir- 
cumstances will render it necessary for us perhaps to adapt 
our conduct to their improvement. But I cease from this 
time during the ensuing twelvemonth to write political 
letters, knowing that a campaign of slander is now to open 

* William Wirt, the eminent lawyer, was born in Bladensburg, Md., Nov. 8, 1772, and 
died in Washington, D. C, Feb. 18, 1834. He began his legal career in Virginia, and in 
1795 he was married to the daughter of Dr. George Gilmer. She died in 1799, and he 
removed to Richmond, and was elected Clerk of the House of Delegates. His legal 
knowledge, his eloquence, and his rare ab'lity in argument placed him in, the foremost rank 
of American lawyers. See Appleton's Cvclopaedia of American Biography, vol. vi. pp. 578, 
579. — Eds. 


upon me, & believing that the postmasters will lend their 
inquisitorial aid to fish out any new matter of slander 
they can to gratify the powers that be. I hope my friends 
will understand & approve the motives of my silence. 
Health, happiness, & affectionate salutations. 

Th: Jefferson. 

John Taylor, Esq. 


Feb. 4, 1800. 

Your's of Jan. 18 never reached me till this day, so 
that it has loitered a week somewhere. Our post going 
out to-morrow morning, I hasten to answer it. My 
anxiety to get my lands rented is extreme. I readily 
agree therefore that Mr Kerr shall take for 5 years, or 
say till Christmas, 1804, the oblong, square field, and the 
one on the river next below the square field, comprehend- 
ing the orchard ; only I should be very urgent that he 
should take a compleat field there ; for I expect there is 
enough between the river and the road by old Hickman's 
settlement to make 2 fields of 40 a 8 , each, by cleaning up 
& straitening the skirts, perhaps by cutting down some 
slips on the margin. For so much as would be to clear I 
would take no rent the l 8t year. He would then have the 
3 fields in a line on the river, and three other fields would 
remain along the road to the triangle inclusive for an- 
other tenant. Observe I must have with him, as I have 
with Mr Peyton, free passage along the roads ; that is to 
say, along the road which used to be, & must be again, 
down the river side. All the conditions to be the same 
as with Mr Peyton. I say I wish him to be pushed to 
the taking the 120 acres ; yet, rather than lose a tenant, I 
would agree to the hundred acres, to wit, the oblong, square 
& half the lower field. But you are sensible he would get 
by that means a great over-proportion of cream, & there- 
fore I wish to force on him the other half field. 


Buonaparte's operations begin to wear a somewhat 
better aspect. It seems as if he meant a republic of some 
sort ; therefore we are encouraged by the strength of his 
head to hope he calculates correctly how much superior 
is the glory of establishing a republic to that of wearing 
a crown. But still we must suspend our judgments a 
little longer. My first letter from Mr Eppes gave me a 
little hope of the child's doing well. One recieved to-day 
announces it's death. It appears, as we might expect, a 
severe affliction to both. 


Philadelphia, Mar. 4, 1800. 

Dear Sir, — I wrote you last on the 17 th of February. 
Since that I learn by a letter from Richmond that Martha 
is with her sister. My last letter from Eppington was of 
the 16 th of Feb., when Maria was hoped to be in fair 
way of speedy recovery. The continuance of the non 
intercourse law for another year and the landing of our 
commissioners at Lisbon, have placed the opening of the 
French market (where at Bourdeaux tob°. was selling at 
25 to 27 D. p r Cwt. Dec. 7) at such a distance that I 
thought it better to sell our tob°. at N. York. Remsen 
had informed me in January that no more than 6 D. 
could then be got for it, and it has been falling since ; 
and Lieper offering to take it there at 6 D. payable in 60 
days, I struck with him ; and thus ends this tragedy by 
which we have both lost so much. I observe Tarina ad- 
vertised ; how does that matter stand ? There have been 
no new failures here or at New York, but at Baltimore 
very great ones weekly. We are entirely without news 
of the further proceedings in Paris. Buonaparte seems 
to be given up by almost everyone. The caucus election 
bill for President & V. P. will certainly pass the Senate 


by the usual majority of 2 to 1 ; an amendment will be 
proposed to shew the sense of the minority. This may 
perhaps, however, be taken up by the other house with a 
better chance of success ; in order to lessen the necessary 
loan, they put off building the 74 9 a year, which, with the 
saving by stopping enlistments, reduces the loan to 3J 
millions ; but whether even that can be got at 8 per cent 
is very doubtful. Wheat is at 2.13 here, and is likely to 
be very high through the year, as Europe will want gen- 
erally. I think I shall fix my price with Mr Higgin- 
botham at about the middle of April. I have not heard 
how it is at Richmond. Key's money was sent on to 
Richmond Jan. 30. Yet on the 20 th of Feb. (3 weeks 
after) he seems not to have heard of it. Kiss all the 
little ones for me, and accept sincere & cordial salutations 

Your's affectionately, 

Th : Jefferson. 


Thomas Jefferson, Esq., Philadelphia. 

Kings-mill, March 29 th , 1800. 

Dear Sir, — I have no occasion to say to you any 
thing more relative to the payments of the several in- 
stalments of M r . Wayles's debt due to M r . Welch's house. 
Your conduct as to this affair has been such as I expected, 
& for his sake I could wish the other creditors could feel 
the same sentiments which have actuated you. For my- 
self, I have to repeat that whenever your convenience 
will permit it, without injury, the payment will be ex- 

* Littleton W. Tazewell was born in Williamsburg, Virginia, Dec. 17, 1774, graduated 
at William and Mary College in 1792, and was admitted to the bar in 179G. He was a 
member of the United States House of Representatives from 1799 to 1801, and of the Sen- 
ate from 1824 to 1832, and Governor of Virginia from 1834 to 1836. He died at Norfolk, 
Virginia, March 6, 1800. See Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography, vol. vi. 
pp. 56, 57; Lanman's Biographical Annals, p. 420. — Eds. 


pected. Until then it ought not to be asked, & when this 
period shall arrive, to you I know a request will not be 

I find among M r . Welch's papers an open account 
against you for the sum of £87 4 sterling due on the 
17 th Nov r , 1774. I know not whether this claim against 
you individually was taken into account at the settlement 
of M r Wayles's debt with CoTo Skipwith, M r . Eppes, & 
yourself. I have, too, some faint recollection that the 
former agent mention'd to me a payment had been made 
by you to old M r . Welch directly, but whether that pay- 
ment was partial or in full, or under what circumstances 
it was made, I know not. Will you therefore be so good, 
Sir, as to inform me on these points for my own satisfac- 
tion & justification ? Was this account included in your 
bonds ? Have you not paid while in Europe the whole, 
or what part of this claim ? Excuse these inquiries, if 
you please, but my situation is such as compels me to 
make them. 

I cannot forbear the expression of my thanks to you 
for the enclosure you sent ; well, indeed, is it " worth 
perusing." I have to regret only that some of the sub- 
jects are not discussed in a style and manner which would 
be better fitted to the capacities of the bulk of the people, 
for surely it is of the last importance that subjects in 
which every member of society is so immediately inter- 
ested should be treated, if possible, so plainly as to be 
generally understood & yet so briefly as to be easily re- 
member'd. The author, altho' he has been aware of this 
truth, & has written in a manner less exceptionable in 
this respect than most of the writers of this class, has 
not yet, I think, attained the object which is so much to 
be desired. Perhaps, however, the nature of the subject 
itself does not permit it. His efforts, however, are laud- 
able & deserve the thanks of the community. 

I have seen the bankrupt law as it has passed the 


House of Representatives. To the people of the Southern 
States it gives a stab of which they are yet unconscious. 
Here, where there are few or no banks, where the popu- 
lation is thin, the wants of the people limited & chiefly 
supplied within themselves, property which is certainly 
to be sold never commands its value ; the scarcity, too, 
of money, added to other causes, places the debtor almost 
at any time completely in the power of his creditor, even 
under that system which our own legislature has pro- 
vided, & which in many respects considers the situation 
of the debtor such as I have described it; but the bank- 
rupt law, whilst it strips him of these advantages, adds 
also to the unfortunate causes that drag the honest & 
even wealthy man to ruin. Who, too, it may be well 
asked, are those creditors who deserve at our hands such 
favors, & who the debtors whose conduct merits such pun- 
ishment? The former generally foreigners, merchants, 
speculators ; the latter the honest yeomanry of the coun- 
try, plants of its own produce, nurtured entirely by its 
own soil. & attached to it by every cause that nature can 
create. Protection to commerce & speculation & destruc- 
tion to agriculture & industry, however, have long been 
the orders of the day. In the construction of this law I 
do suppose (whatever its advocates may say) but one 
opinion can be held : when you use almost the same words 
with the British statute, you must have used them with 
the same intent; what that intent was, & how compre- 
hensive the words are, the British judges have long & 
often fixed. With this law & these decisions before the 
legislature at the time it passed, who can doubt what 
must have been their object? Perhaps, however, even 
this act, pernicious as its consequences will be, may be 
ultimately beneficial ; the cup of forbearance was almost 
full, " this crowns its utmost brim." The people will 
soon (in spite of the loans intended to lull them into rest) 
feel the oppression of enormous taxation; when strip' d 


by the tax-gatherer almost to nakedness, a creditor 
comes in & robs them of their all under a bankrupt law; 
they must murmur against the authors of their misfor- 
tunes, & a Sedition Law punishes them for their audacity. 
They will not reason till they feel, but ill betides the pun- 
isher when the stripes begin to \toni\. 

Pardon, I beseech you, Sir, this long letter ; it has 
grown unknowingly & unintentionally ; I will not add to 
its tediousness by an apology, but trust it rather to your 

With much esteem & respect, 

I am your mo. obd*. serv*., 

Litt n W. Tazewell. 


Philadelphia, Apr. 4, 1800. 

I wrote you last on the 31 st of Mar., since which I 
have recieved G. Jefferson's of Mar. 22, acknoleging the 
reciept of the last 270 D. making 1870 D. in all. M r . 
Ross's Kitt, setting out for Charlottesville where he has 
a cause to be tried with James Ross, and apprehending 
from him some personal assault, has asked me to interest 
some person to ensure him the protection of the laws. I 
have promised to write to yourself, P. Carr, & Col . Bell, 
to have an eye to him, merely because he desires it, tho' 
I assured him he would be protected by every one. He 
furnishes me an earlier occasion of writing to you than 
by post. 

Capt. Barry, in the frigate U. S., arrived last night 
from Corunna. Our envoys* landed Nov. 27 at Lisbon, 
from whence their secretaries proceeded by land to Paris. 

* Oliver Ellsworth, William R. Davie, and William Vans Murray had been appointed 
by President Adams envoys extraordinary to the French Republic. The two former sailed 
from Newport, R. I., about the first of November, 1799, in the frigate United States. The 
latter was then in Europe. See Life and Works of John Adams, vol. ix. pp. 39, 162, 
251. — Eds. 


The principals reimbarked Dec. 21 for Lorient, but after 
long beating against contrary winds in the Bay of Biscay 
they landed at Corunna Jan. 11, & sent a courier to Paris 
for their passports. They proceeded to Burgos & here 
recieved their passports from Paris, with a letter from 
Taleyrand expressing a desire to see them at Paris, and 
assuring them that the form of their credentials addressed 
to the Directory, would be no obstacle to their negocia- 
tion. Murray was already at Paris. The letters from 
our envoys to the Executive, brought by Cap 1 Barry, 
are dated at Burgos, Feb. 10. They would have about 
[illegible] to Paris, where they will have arrived probably 
about the 1 st . week in March, & by the 1 st week of May 
we may expect to hear of their reception. The frigate 
Portsmouth is about sailing from N. York to France, 
the object a secret. The Senate yesterday rejected Mr 
Pinckney's bill against appointing judges to any other 
offices ; & to-day they have rejected a bill from the H. of 
R. which forbade military troops to be at the place of 
election on any day of election. A warrant has been 
issued to commit Duane,* but he has not yet been found. 
The President has nominated a third Major Gen 1 . (Brookes 
of Massachusets) to our 4000 men, and 204 promotions 
& appointments of officers are now before the Senate for 
approbation, so there will be 16 regiments of officers & 4 
or 5 of souldiers. Dupont de Nemours has been here 
from N. York on a visit. He will settle there or at Alex- 
andria. He promises me a visit this summer with Mad e 
Dupont. I think we shall rise the 1 st or 2 d week in May. 
I have recieved the grateful news of Maria's recovery, 
and am to go by Eppington or Montblanco to carry 
her to Monticello with me. I shall by next post write to 
Richardson the day my horses are to meet me there, all 
three ; and expect him to engage David Bowles to go 

* William Duane, editor of the "Aurora," the principal organ of the Republicans. — Eds. 


with them. Not knowing whether Martha is yet returned 
home, I can only deliver my love to her provisionally, and 
my affectionate salutations to yourself. Adieu. 

P. S. You have not informed me where your brother's 
newspapers are to be directed. 


Philadelphia, Apr. 19, 1800. 

Dear Sir, — My duties here require me to possess 
exact knolege of parliamentary proceedings. While a 
student I read a good deal, & commonplaced what I read 
on this subject.! But it is now 20 years since I was a 
member of a parliamentary body, so that I am grown 
rusty. So far, indeed, as books go, my commonplace 
has enabled me to retrieve, but there are many minute 
practices, which being in daily use in Parliament, & there- 
fore supposed known to every one, were never noticed 
in their books. These practices were, I dare say, the 
same we used to follow in Virginia, but I have forgot 
even our practices. Besides these, there are minute ques- 
tions arising frequently as to the mode of amending, 
putting questions, &c, which the books do not inform 
us of. I have, from time to time, noted these queries, 
and keeping them in view have been able to get some of 
them satisfied, & struck them off my list, but I have a 
number of them still remaining unsatisfied. However 
unwilling to disturb your repose, I am so anxious to per- 
form the functions of my office with exact regularity 
that I have determined to throw myself on your friend- 
ship and to ask your aid in solving as many of my doubts 

* This letter is printed from the original in the collection of autographs given to the 
Society by Mr. and Mrs. A. C. Washburn. — Eds. 

t The commonplace book here referred to is probably a small and very neatly written 
volume, marked on the fly-leaf "Parliamentary Note-Book," now in the possession of this 
Society. — Eds. 


as you can. I have written them down, leaving a broad 
margin in which I only ask the favor of you to write 
yea, or nay, opposite to the proposition, which will satisfy 
me. Those which you do not recollect, do not give your- 
self any trouble about. Do it only at your leisure. If 
this should be before the 9 th of May, your return of the 
papers may find me here till the 16 th ; if after that, be so 
good as to direct them to me at Monticello. 

I have no foreign news but what you see in the papers. 
Duane & Cooper's trials come on to-day. Such a selection 
of jurors has been made by the marshal as ensures the 
event. The same may be said as to Fries, &c, and also 
as to the sheriff and justices, who in endeavoring to ar- 
rest Sweeny, the horse thief, got possession of his papers, 
& sent them to the Chief Justice & Governor, among 
which papers were Mr. Liston's letter to the Governor of 
Canada, printed we know not by whom. We have not 
yet heard the fate of Holt, editor of the Bee, in Con- 
necticut. A printer in Vermont is prosecuted for reprint- 
ing Mr. McHenry's letter to Gen 1 Darke. Be so good as 
to present my respects to Mrs. Pendleton, and friendly 
salutations to Mr. Taylor, & accept yourself assurances of 
constant & affectionate esteem. 

Th: Jefferson. 

Honble E. Pendleton. 


Philadelphia, May 7, 1800. 

Yours of Apr. 26 came to hand the 2 d inst. We have 
recieved information, not absolutely to be relied on, that 
our envoys are arrived at Paris and were recieved with 
peculiar favor. I have seen a letter from a person there 
of the best information, dated in January, that the dis- 
positions of the present government were so favorable 
that a carte blanche would be given to our envoys & that 


it would not be in their power to avoid a settlement. 
The New York city election has resulted in favor of the 
republican ticket. I inclose you a state of it. This is 
considered by both parties as deciding the legislative ma- 
jority in that State, without taking into account what 
we shall. gain in the country elections. The Federalists 
do not conceal their despair on this event. They held 
a caucus on Saturday night, and have determined on 
some hocus-pocus manoeuvres by running Gen 1 . Charles C. 
Pinckney with Mr Adams to draw off South Carolina, 
and to make impression on N. Carolina. We still count 
on rising on the 12 th ; perhaps we may be a day or two 
later, tho' it is generally expected otherwise. I shall not 
set out till the day, or day after, we rise. 

You were not mistaken in your first idea that your 
tobacco was nearly sufficient for the paiment to G. Jeffer- 
son. I paid him 1870 D. Your Philadelphia tob° came 
to 1537.325 and the N. York supposed about 280 D. 
This, when it all comes in, will consequently be within a 
few dollars of what I paid ; and as to the delay, I have 
apologised for that to those for whom my money was 
destined. A little before I left Monticello I attempted a 
statement of our account. But we had let it run so long 
that it called for more time than I had left. I therefore 
brought on the materials here, & have stated it except 
as to one or two articles which need enquiry. I do not 
believe there will be a balance of 10 D. either way, in- 
cluding every thing I know of to the present moment. 
The money, therefore, in Mr Jefferson's hands, which you 
destined for me, is free for other purposes. I sincerely 
wish I were able to aid you in the embarrassments 
you speak of. But tho' I have been wiping out Mr. 
Wayles's old scores it has been impossible to me to avoid 
some new ones. The profits of my Bedford estate have 
gone for this purpose, and the unprofitable state of Albe- 
marle has kept me in a constant struggle. There is a 


possible sale which might enable me to aid you, and 
nothing could be so pleasing to me, but it is only possible. 
I would wish you, however, to avoid selling any thing as 
long as you can, to give time for this possibility. These 
things, however, will be better explained in conversation. 
Present my constant love to my dear Martha & the little 
ones, and accept assurances of the most affectionate at- 
tachment to yourself. Adieu. 

Washington, Sunday evens. Nov. 30, 1800. 

Davy will set out in the morning on his return with 
the horses. I will endeavor before he goes to get one of 
Hamilton's pamphlets for you, which are to be sold here. 
Bishop's pamphlet on political delusions has not yet 
reached the bookstores here.* It is making wonderful 
progress, and is said to be the best anti-republican eye- 
water which has ever yet appeared. A great impression 
of them is making at Philadelphia to be forwarded here. 
From abroad we have no news. At home, the election 
is the theme of all conversation. Setting aside Pensva., 
Rhode isl d ., & S. Carolina, the Federal scale will have 
from the other States 53 votes and the Republicans 58. 
Both parties count with equal confidence on Rho. isl d & 
S. Carolina. Pensva. stands little chance for a vote. 
The majority of 2 in their Senate is immoveable. In that 
case, the issue of the election hangs on S. Carola. It is 
believed Pinckney will get a complete vote with Mr 
Adams from 4 of the New Engl d . States, from Jersey, 
Delaware, & Maryland, probably also N. Carolina. Con- 
gress seem conscious they have nothing [to do ?] ; the 

* The reference is to Abraham Bishop's "Connecticut Republicanism: an Oration on 
the Extent and Power of Political Delusion, delivered in New Haven on the evening pre- 
ceding the Public Commencement, September, 1800." It passed through several editions. 
— Eds. 


territorial government here & the additional judiciary 
system [being ?] the only things which can be taken up. 
The Feds do not appear very strong in the H. of R. 
They divided on the address only 35 against 32. We are 
better accommodated here than we expected to be, and 
not a whisper or thought in any mortal of attempting a 
removal. This evident solidity to the establishment will 
give a wonderful spring to buildings here the next season. 
My warmest affection to my ever dear Martha, kisses to 
the young ones, and sincere & affectionate attachment to 
yourself. Adieu. 

P. S. Mr. Brown called on me to-day. The family is 
well. I forgot to mention to him that Davy could carry 
letters to Mr. Trist & family. 


Washington, Dec. 5, 1800. 

You are probably anxious to hear of the election, and 
indeed it is the only thing of which any thing is said 
here, and little known even of it. The only actual vote 
known to us is that of this State. 5 for A. & P. and 5 for J. 
& B. Those who know the Pensva. legislature best agree 
in the certainty of their having no vote. Rhode isl d . has 
carried the Fed 1 , ticket of electors by about 200 in the 
whole State. Putting Pensva., S. C, and Pinckney out of 
view, the votes will stand 57 for J. & 58 for A. So that 
S. Carola will decide between these two. As to Pinckney 
it is impossible to foresee how the juggle will work. It is 
confidently said that Massachusets will withhold 7 votes 
from him, but little credit is due to reports where every 
man wishes are so warmly [illegible]. If the Federal elec- 
tors of the other States go through with the caucus compact, 
there is little doubt that S. C. will make him the President. 
Their other vote is very uncertain. This is every thing 


known to us at present. The post which will arrive here 
on the 15 th . inst. will bring us the actual vote of S. C. 
The members here are generally well accommodated. 
About a dozen lodge in Georgetown from choice, there 
being lodgings to be had here if they preferred it. Every 
body is well satisfied with the place, and not a thought 
indulged of ever leaving it. It is therefore solidly estab- 
lished and this being now seen it will take a rapid spring. 
My tenderest love to my dear Martha & the young ones. 
Affectionate & warm attachment to yourself. Adieu. 


Dec. 12, 1800. 

I believe we may consider the election as now decided. 
Letters received from Columbia (S. C)., this morning & 
dated Dec. 2, which was the day for appointing their elec- 
tors, announce that the Republican ticket carried it by 
majorities of from 13 to 18. The characters named are 
firm & were to elect on the next day. It was intended 
that one vote should be thrown away from Col . Burr. 
It is believed Georgia will withhold from him one or two. 
The votes will stand probably T. J. 73, Burr about 70, 
Mr. Adams 65. Pinckney probably lower than that. It 
is fortunate that some difference will be made between 
the two highest candidates, because it is said the Feds 
here held a caucus & came to a resolution that in the 
event of their being equal they would prevent an election, 
which they could have done by dividing the H. of R. My 
tender love to my dear Martha & the little ones. Sincere 
affection to yourself. 



Washington, Jan. 9, 1801. 

Dear Sir, — Your favor of the 3 d came to hand yester- 
day. I suspect that I mistook our post day when I first 
arrived here arid put the letters you mention into the 
post-office a day too late. I shall be glad if you will 
mention when that of the 1 st instant gets to you as well 
as the present & future letters, that if there be any thing 
wrong in the post I may get it rectified. The mail for 
Milton is made up here on Friday at 5 p. m. That 
Craven's house should not have been in readiness sur- 
prises me. I left I. Perry's people putting up the last 
course of shingles & the plank for the floor & loft planed, 
& they assured me they could finish every thing in a 
week. They must have quit immediately. But the most 
extraordinary of all things is that there should have been 
no clearing done. I left Monticello on Monday the 24 th 
Nov., from which time there were 4 weeks to Christmas, 
and the hands ordered to be with Lilly that morning (ex- 
cept, I think, two), and according to his calculation & 
mine 3 or 4 acres a week should have been cleared. But 
the misunderstanding between him & Richardson had be- 
fore cost me as good as all the labour of the hired hands 
from Jan y . to June when I got home. The question 
now, however, is as to the remedy. You have done 
exactly what I would have wished, and as I place 
the compliance with my contract with Mr Craven be- 
fore any other object, we must take every person from 
the nailery able to cut and keep them at it till the clear- 
ing is completed. The following, therefore, must be so 
employed : Davy, John, Abram, Shepherd, Moses, Joe, 
Wormly, Jame Hubard, with the one hired by Lilly, 
making 9. Besides these, if Barnaby, Ben, Cary, & 
Isabel's Davy are able to cut, as I suppose they are, let 



them also join ; shoemaker Phill also if he can cut. I 
doubt it, & that he had better continue to be hired. 
These make 13 or 14, with whom the clearing which I 
was to do this year ought not to be a long job. There 
will remain for the nailery Burwell, Jamy, Bedf. John, 
Bedf. Davy, Phill Hub., Lewis, Bartlet, & Brown, enough 
for two fires. This course I would have pursued even 
after Powell's arrival, as I had rather [illegible] his de- 
partment, where the loss concerns myself only than one 
which affects another. I wrote pressingly to Mr Eppes to 
hire some hands for me, and am not without hopes he may 
have done it. If they arrive, I would 'still not draw off 
the nailers till the clearing is completed. I wrote to Lilly 
yesterday covering an order for some money. I had not 
then received your letter, so the one to him says nothing 
on this subject. I must, therefore, get the favor of you 
to deliver him the orders. 

Nothing further can be said or discovered on the sub- 
ject of the election. We have 8 votes in the H. of R. 
certain, & there are 3 other States, Maryl 1 ., Delaware, & 
Vermont, from either of which if a single individual 
comes over it settles the matter. But I am far from con- 
fiding that a single one will come over. Pensylvania has 
shown what men are when party takes place of principle. 
The Jersey election has been a great event. But nothing 
seems to bend the spirit of our opponents. I believe they 
will carry their judiciary bill. As to the treaty, I must 
give no opinion. But it must not be imagined that any 
thing is too bold for them. I had expected that some 
respect to the palpable change in public opinion would 
have produced moderation, but it does not seem to. A 
comiiiee reported that the Sedition Law ought to be con- 
tinued, and the first question on the subject in the House 
has been carried by 47 against 33. We have a host of 
Republicans absent. Gallatin, Livingston, Nicholson, 
Tazewell, Cabell, cum multis aliis. The mercantile towns 


are almost unanimous in favour of the treaty.* Yet it 
seems not to soften their friends in the Senate. I re- 
ceived notices from Dick Johnson to attend the taking 
depositions in Milton on the 2 d Saturday in Feb. and the 
2 d Saturday in March at Mr Price's. I do not expect his 
witnesses have any thing material to say. However, if it 
should not be inconvenient to you to ride there at the 
hour of 12 and to ask any questions which may be neces- 
sary to produce the whole truth, I shall be obliged to you. 
My unchangeable and tenderest love to my ever dear 
Martha and to the little ones : affectionate attachment 
to yourself. Adieu. 


Washington, Jan. 23, 1801. 

Yours of the 17 th reached this on the 21 st , from Satur- 
day to Wednesday. This will leave this place to-morrow 
(Saturday, the 24 th ), and ought to be with you on Thurs- 
day, the 29 th , but it seems that a week is lost somewhere. 
I suspect the Fredsbg rider leaves that place an hour or 
two before the Northern post reaches it. On this subject 
I will this day write to the Postmaster Gen 1 . I am sin- 
cerely concerned for the misfortune to poor Holmes. I 
have not yet seen his father on the subject, who is a clerk 
in the Register's office here. Lewis must continue under 
Mr. Dinsmore, in order to expedite that work. I will 
very willingly undertake to pay Gibson & Jefferson for 
you £135, but I must take from 40 to 70 days for it, 
having nothing at my disposal sooner. I am not sure of 
being able to do it at the 1 st term (March 1), but possibly 
may. At the 2 d (Apr. 1), they will have the money in 
their own hands for my tob°. sold & payable then, but do 
not consider this as engaging your hands. If you can 

* The treaty which had been negotiated with France by the envoys sent out by Mr. 
Adams. See Life and Works of John Adams, vol. ix. pp. 241-310. — Eds. 


employ them more advantageously for yourself than by 
hiring, do it. If not, we will take any which you had 
rather hire than employ at what we are to pay for others. 
My former letter will have conveyed to you my wish that 
the nailers able to cut should be so employed ; and I have 
written to Mr. Eppes that I am indifferent whether 
Powell comes till the l 8t of April. I shall then be at 
home, and shall engage Whateley to undertake to build 
the new shop, out & out, on his own terms, immediately. 
I forgot to ask the favor of you to speak to Lilly as to 
the treatment of the nailers. It would destroy their 
value, in my estimation, to degrade them in their own 
eyes by the whip. This, therefore, must not be resorted 
to but in extremities ; as they will be again under my 
government, I would chuse they should retain the stim- 
ulus of character. After Lilly shall have compleated the 
clearing necessary for this year for Mr. Craven, I would 
have him go on with what will be wanting for him the 
next year, that being my most important object. The 
building of the negro houses should be done whenever 
Mr. Craven prefers it ; as all the work is for him, he 
may arrange it. I will thank you to continue noting 
the day of the reciept of my letters, that I may know 
whether the postmaster corrects the mismanagement. 

We continue as uncertain as ever as to the event of an 
election by the H. of R. Some appearances are favor- 
able, but they may be meant to throw us off our guard. 
Mr. Adams is entirely for their complying with the will 
of the people. Hamilton the same. The mercantile or 
paper interest also. Still, the individuals who are to 
decide will decide according to their own desires. The 
Jersey election damps them, so does the European intel- 
ligence, but their main body is still firm & compact. 
My tenderest love to my dear Martha. I wrote to her 
the last week. Kisses to all the little ones, and affec- 
tionate attachments to yourself. Adieu. 


P. S. When I come home I shall lay off the canal, 
if Lilly's gang can undertake it. I had directed Lilly 
to make a dividing fence between Craven's fields at 
Monticello & those I retain. The object was to give me 
the benefit of the latter for pasture. If I stay here, the 
yard will be pasture enough and may spare, or at least 
delay, this great & perishable work of the dividing fence. 
At least it may lie for further consideration. I hope 
Lilly keeps the small nailers engaged so as to supply 
our customers in the neighborhood, so that we may not 
lose them during this interregnum. Mr. Higginbotham, 
particularly, & Mr. Kelly, should be attended to. 


Washington, Jan. 26, 1801. 

My dea.r Martha, — I wrote to Mr. Randolph on the 
9 th & 10 th inst., and yesterday recieved his letter of the 
10 th . It gave me great joy to learn that Lilly had got 
a recruit of hands from Mr. Allen, tho' still I would not 
have that prevent the taking all from the nailery who 
are able to cut, as I desired in mine of the 9th, as I wish 
Craven's ground to be got ready for him without any 
delay. Mr. Randolph writes me you are about to wean 
Cornelia ; this must be right & proper. I long to be in 
the midst of the children, and have more pleasure in their 
little follies than in the wisdom of the wise. Here, too, 
there is such a mixture of the bad passions of the heart 
that one feels themselves in an enemy's country. It is 
an unpleasant circumstance, if I am destined to stay here, 
that the great proportion of those of the place who figure 
are federalists, and most of them of the violent kind. 
Some have been so personally bitter that they can never 
forgive me, tho' I do them with sincerity. Perhaps in 
time they will get tamed. Our prospect as to the elec- 


tion has been alarming ; as a strong disposition exists to 
prevent an election, & that case not being provided for 
by the Constitution, a dissolution of the government 
seemed possible. At present there is a prospect that 
some, tho' federalists, will prefer yielding to the wishes 
of the people rather than have no government. If I am 
fixed here, it will be but three easy days' journey from 
you, so that I should hope you & the family could pay 
an annual visit here at least ; which with mine to Mon- 
ticello of the spring & fall, might enable us to be together 
4 or 5 months of the year. On this subject, however, 
we may hereafter converse, lest we should be counting 
chickens before they are hatched. I inclose for Anne a 
story, too long to be got by heart but worth reading. 
Kiss them all for me, and keep them in mind of me. 
Tell Ellen I am afraid she has forgotten me. I shall 
probably be with you the first week in April, as I shall 
endeavor to be at our court for that month. Continue 
to love me, my dear Martha, and be assured of my unal- 
terable and tenclerest love to you. Adieu. 

Th : Jefferson. 

P. S. Hamilton is using his uttermost influence to pro- 
cure my election rather than Col . Burr's. 


Washington, Jan. 29 [1801]. 

Yours of the 24 th came to hand last night. On appli- 
cation to the Postmaster Gen 1 , it seems that I should have 
put my letters into the office here on the Thursday instead 
of Friday. This accordingly goes to the office this day, 
which is Thursday, and therefore ought to get to you on 
Thursday next. It may very likely, therefore, go with 
my letter of the 23 d . 


I am very glad indeed to find that Lilly has got so 
strong a gang, independant of yours & the nailers. With 
respect to yours, I wish you to do exactly what is most for 
your own interest, either keeping them yourself or put- 
ting any of them with mine as best suits your own con- 
venience. I still think it will be better that such of the 
nailers as may be able to handle the axe should be employed 
with it till April, that is to say, till Powell comes. It will 
be useful to them morally and physically, and I have work 
enough of that kind with the canal & road to give them 
full employment. Perhaps, as the blowing to be done in 
the canal will be tedious, it might be worth while to keep 
Joe & Wormely employed on that in all good weather ; if 
you think so, they should work separately, as I think that 
one hand to hold the auger & one to strike is throwing 
away the labour of one. There should be force enough 
kept in the nailery to supply our standing customers. 
There is another reason for employing only the weaker 
hands in the nailery. I clo not believe there is rod to 
employ the whole any length of time, and none can be 
got to them till April. I should be glad Mr. Lilly or Mr. 
Dinsmore would count the faggots on hand, & inform me 
of the quantity by return of post, as I have forgotten the 
state of the supplies on hand when I left home. Mr 
Wilson Nicholas and myself have this day joined in or- 
dering clover seed from New York, where it is to be had, 
it is said, at 12 dollars. I have ordered 5 bushels for you. 
I believe I have none to sow myself. Mr. Jefferson informs 
me two small casks of wine are forwarded for me to Mil- 
ton. Out of this I wish you to take what I borrowed 
of you, and I will be thankful to you to inform me as 
soon as you can of the size of the casks, that I may know 
how to proportion the equivalent to Mr. Yznardi. It 
should be stored in the dining-room cellar, & that secured 
by double locks, as I presume it is. With respect to the 
election, there is no change of appearance since my last. 


The main body of the Federalists are determined to elect 
B. or to prevent an election. We have 8 States certain ; 
they 6, and two divided. There are 6 individuals of 
moderate dispositions, any one of which coming over to us 
will make a 9 th vote. I dare not trust more through the 
post. My tender love to my ever dear Martha and to the 
little ones. I believe I must ask her to give directions to 
Goliah & his senile corps to prepare what they can in the 
garden, as it is very possible I may want it. Accept 
assurances of my sincere affection. Adieu. 


To his Excellency Thomas Jefferson. Favored by Coll. Burr. 

N. York, Febry. 23 d [1801]. 

At a moment when, called by the voice of a nation to 
its highest station, congratulations flow to you from all 
quarters, shall an insignificant individual of it presume to 
offer you her's ? Yes, my good Sir, I flatter myself you 
will permit it, when I reflect on the many proofs of your 
good will towards me & persuaded that the effusions of a 
grateful remembrance can never want a welcome from 
the goodness & sensibility which have given rise to them, 
& in the pleasure arising from the elevation of those 
whom we value recognize the interest I have in this 
event. Did either my situation in life, my age, or (per- 
haps more properly) my sex, render me fit or adequate to 
be a politician, the basis of my satisfaction might be in 
public good, but as I am nothing less than that, I will only 
address you in the language of the heart, that will at least 
have the merit of sincerity, while the other would be only 

* Catherine Church was the daughter of John B. Church, of New York, an intimate friend 
of Alexander Hamilton, and of Angelica Schuyler, his wife. Earlj- in 1802 she was married 
to Bertram P. Cruger, by whom she had a large family. (See N. Y. Genealogical and 
Biographical Becord. vol. \i. pp. 78, 79.) Her mother had long been a friend and corre- 
spondent of Jefferson. — Eds. 


an ignorant affectation. And since you, my dear Sir, can 
never have any reason to quarrel with truths, I may offer 
them to you in all their simplicity. May you after hav- 
ing satisfied the ambition of your friends realize the 
wishes of affection, & in the cares of government never 
know a diminution of happiness ; & if to the empire over 
hearts can be connected one equally fascinating, let this 
addition prove such to you ; the latter may perhaps boast 
of one more charm than the former can have in your eyes, 
— the attraction of novelty. 

I wrote to my dear Maria last summer. It is very long 
since I have heard from her, & hope my letter found her 
as well & as happy as I ever wish her to be, Since that 
I have had a long & dangerous illness which has exiled 
me a little from my friends in interrupting our corre- 
spondence. Pray do me the favor to mention me afftely 
to her & M rs . Randolph. 

You will see en passant a charming little friend of whom 
Carolina robs us. # I wish for her sake & that of your 
daughters that she left us to be near them, as their good- 
ness & amiability render them worthy of each other. 
Her father & our Vice President has the complaisance 
to take charge of this letter. Remember, Sir, that you 
are now to make no jalonx, & that the State of N. York 
will expect a visit from its President, & I am well dis- 
posed to urge their claim very strongly. 

Adieu, Sir ; accept with your usual bienveillance the as- 
surances of my respectful attachment. 

Catherine Church. 

* Theodosia, only daughter of Aaron Burr and his wife Theodosia, was born in 1783, 
and was lost at sea in December, 1812, or January, 1813. She was married February 2, 
1801, to Joseph Alston, a wealthy planter in South Carolina, and afterward Governor of the 
State. See Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. i pp. 467, 468. — Eds. 



Richmond, 4th March, 1S01. 

My dear Sir, — I am now about to address you on a 
subject which I am very apprehensive may be deemed ob- 
trusive and impertinent ; for it certainly does not become 
me to advise you what your conduct should be, as my ac- 
quaintance with you does not justify such a liberty, and 
much less am I justified from ability to give counsel ; but 
being by my brother placed under the disagreeable necessity 
of forwarding the inclosed letter, which he sent open for 
my perusal, I cannot forbear making a few remarks on it. 

I am extremely grieved to attempt in any way to thwart 
the wishes of a friend and brother, but much more am I 
grieved that that brother should be so extremely solicitous 
in seeking an office, and particularly that he should be so 
entirely destitute of reflection and of delicacy as to ask 
anything of you, when he surely should conclude from 
what you have already done for him that if there were 
any office in your gift to the duties of which you con- 
sidered him competent, and there were no other objection 
to his filling it, that you would undoubtedly recollect him 
without any solicitation ; but, taking for granted his capa- 
city to fill some office, which probably would not stand the 
test of investigation, inasmuch as a person would, per- 
haps, be nearly as well qualified to commence the practice 
of the law without any previous study as he would be to 
engage in any business which I suppose he can contem- 
plate, yet, for a moment laying that objection aside, 
there is another which with you, I think, should be insur- 
mountable and unalterable. 

There was no part of Gen 1 Washington's character which 

* George Jefferson was a distant kinsman and a business correspondent of Thomas 
Jefferson. In the Jefferson Papers in the possession of this Society is a very voluminous 
correspondence between them, almost wholly on business matters, both before and after 
the date of this letter. The answer to the letter here printed will be found in H. A. 
Washington's edition of The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, vol. iv. p. 388. — Eds. 


met with such universal approbation as his disinterested- 
ness in uniformly refusing to appoint any relation to 
office ; and there was no part of Mr Adams's, on the con- 
trary, which so much contributed to lower him in my 
estimation as conduct directly the reverse. The objection 
to which I allude certainly does not hold good in the pres- 
ent case, except in a verj^ remote degree ; but the relation- 
ship could not generally be known to be so distant, and 
from the small number of the name, it would probably be 
thought to be nearer. If my brother would be willing to 
run the smallest risk of hearing you blamed for appoint- 
ing a relation (however distant) to office, he must possess 
feelings very different indeed from mine. The danger of 
incurring such censure would be increased from the neces- 
sity you would find yourself under of displacing some from 
office who have acted improperly ; and with what avidity 
they would catch at the smallest opening to charge you 
with turning others out of office in order to make room 
for your relations, you may form but too correct a judg- 
ment from your experience of their enmity on former 
occasions. Indeed I have already heard insinuations of 
family influence. I have heard it said by Federalists 
(as they stile themselves) that although many will lose 
their offices, yet that one who has acted with the great- 
est impropriety, in the opinion of every Kepublican I ever 
heard speak upon the subject, will continue to hold his 
on account of the family connexion. 

Thus it is that wretches speak, who, judging others 
from the depravity of their own souls, can have no idea 
of any motive of action, unless it springs from interest 
or family aggrandisement, and who cannot conceive that 
a good man in such a case can feel entirely free of all sort 
of influence, except that which prompts him to be more 
rigid with family connexions than with others, and 
especially if he had any hand in bestowing the office they 


I hope, my dear Sir, you will excuse me for having taken 
up so much of your time at this juncture, when the whole of 
it must be required in more important concerns. Nothing 
would have induced me to have done it but the distress- 
ing situation in which I am placed by my brother. 

I would have delayed forwarding his letter in the hope 
of dissuading him from his purpose, but I have, on a former 
occasion something similar to the present, experienced the 
total inefficacy of any such attempt. 

My unwillingness to interrupt you at this time is in- 
creased by the fear that your table will be but too much 
crowded with petitions for office, and unwelcome (when 
uninteresting) letters of advice. For my part, however, 
I promise you that however indulgent a view you may 
take of this, I will never be tempted to repeat the 

I am, dear Sir, your very humble serv' 

Geo. Jefferson. 

My brother having ask'd my opinion of his application, 
I shall send him a copy of this ; silence from you will be 
therefore understood. G. J. 

Thomas Jefferson, Esq r . 


Washington, Mar. 12, 1S01. 

Dear Sir, — I mentioned to you in my letter by Mr. 
Nicholas that I should be able by this post to fix a day 
for the departure of Davy Bowles with my chair & horses, 
& that he should be in readiness ; though it is impossible 
for me to say to a day when I can set out from hence, yet 
I expect it may be by the time you receive this. I would 
therefore have him set off from Monticello on Saturday 
the 21 6t inst. and come to Mr. Heron's in Culpeper, half a 


mile this side of Mr Strode's, where he will arrive on 
Sunday the 22 d , and will wait for me till I get there, 
which, if nothing unexpected occurs, will be on that or 
the next day. But circumstances might arise which might 
detain me longer, in which case he must wait there. It 
is probable Mr. Strode will press him much to go with the 
horses to -his house, but he must be charged expressly to 
continue at Heron's, which is a house of entertainment. 
My stay at home cannot exceed a fortnight, or a very few 
days over that. 

I am still at a great loss, Mr. Madison not having 
been able to come on as yet, Mr. Gallatin not agreeing 
to join us till my return,* and not knowing as yet 
where to get a Secretary of the Navy; Gen 1 Smith 
refused, so did Mr. Langdon. I am now pressing again 
on Gen 1 Smith, but with little hope of his acceding ; in 
that case my distress will be very great. Hitherto ap- 
pearances of reunion are very flattering, in all the states 
south of New England. A few removals from office will 
be indispensable. They will be chiefly for real mal- 
conduct, & mostlv in the offices connected with the 
administration of justice. I shall do as little in that way 
as possible. This may occasion some outcry ; but it must 
be met. One removal will give me a great deal of pain, 
because it will pain you [illegible] it would be inexcusable 
[in] me to make that exception. The prostitution of 
justice by packing of juries cannot be passed over. Em- 
brace my dear Martha for me a thousand times, and kisses 
to the young ones. To yourself affectionate esteem & 

Th: Jefferson. 

* James Madison was the new Secretary of State, and Albert Gallatin the new Secretary 
of the Treasury, but the latter did not take office immediately. See Lanman's Biographical 
Annals, p. 506.— Eds. 




Mar. 20, 1S01. Washington. 

I am still here, & not yet absolutely certain of the 
moment I can get off. I fear I shall this evening receive 
a 4 th refusal of the Secretaryship of the Navy. Should it 
take place, I have fixed on a temporary arrangement, & 
in any event expect to get away in the course of 2 or 4 
days, so as to be with you by the time you receive this or 
very soon after. It is the getting the naval department 
under way which alone detains me. My tenderest affec- 
tions to my ever dear Martha and to the little ones. 
Friendly attachment to yourself. 

Th: Jefferson. 


Washington, Mar. 27, 1801. 

I owe you a letter, my dear young friend. It is a debt 
I pay with pleasure, & therefore should not have so long 
delayed but for the importunity of others more urging & 
less indulgent. I thank you for your kind congratulations 
on the proof of public esteem lately bestowed on me. 
That you write in these sentiments renders them more 
dear to me. The post is not enviable, as it affords little 
exercise for social affections. There is something within 
us which makes us wish to have things conducted in our 
own way and which we generally fancy to be patriotism. 
This ambition is gratified by such a position. But the 
heart would be happier enjoying the affections of a family 
fireside. It is more than six weeks since I heard from 
Maria. This is a proof of her aversion to her pen, & must 
be her apology for not answering your letter, which she 
received in due time, & resolved to answer every day for 
a month before I parted with her last. She continues to 

* See Miss Church's letter, ante, pp. 88, 89. — Eds. 


love you as much as ever, and would give you, as she 
does me, every proof of it except writing letters. She 
is in a fair way to be again a mother. This will pre- 
vent her meeting me at home, in a short excursion I am 
about making thither. Mrs. Randolph always recollects 
you with her former affection. She is the mother of 
four children, and half of another. I shall endeavor to 
persuade them to come & see me here sometimes, & will 
not be without hopes it may tempt you to take a flying 
trip, which, in summer, is of three days only. Present 
my friendly respects to Mr. and Mrs. Church, & accept 
yourself assurances of my constant and affectionate 

Th: Jefferson. 

Miss Catharine Church. 


Washington, May 14, 1801. 
I take up my pen merely because I have not written to 
you since my arrival here, and simply to inform you I am 
well. I shall be happy to hear the same from you, and 
hope this day's post may bring me that information, or 
that Fontrees's waggon will do it, which, I expect, will 
arrive to-morrow or next day. We are selling off all our 
vessels except the 13 frigates established by law, bringing 
7 of them to this place and sending out 3 to take exer- 
cise. The expense will be reduced to about half a million 
annually, great part of which will be paid this year by 
the proceeds of the sales of the others. We fear that 
Spain is ceding Louisiana to France, an inauspicious cir- 
cumstance to us. Mr. Gallatin's arrival yesterday ren- 
ders the organization of our new administration complete, 
and enables us to settle our system of proceeding. Mr. & 
Mrs. Madison & Miss Payne are lodging with us till they 
can get a house. Great desires are expressed here that 


Patsy & Maria should come on, but that I give no hopes 
of till autumn. My tenderest affections to Patsy & kisses 
to the young ones. Sincere attachment & friendly saluta- 
tions to yourself. 

P. S. I have engaged a capital whitesmith, who is a 
nailer also, to go on from Philadelphia in July. 

W. C. Nicholas, Warren, Virginia. 

Washington, July 10, 1801. 

My dear Sir, — I cannot at so late a day acknowledge 
your two favors of [blank'] without an explanation, which 
I am sure your goodness will accept as an apology. Hav- 
ing brought with me to this place a very feeble state of 
health, and finding the mass of business in the department, 
at all times considerable, swelled to an unsual size by sun- 
dry temporary causes, it became absolutely necessary to 
devote the whole of my time & pen to my public duties, 
and consequently to suspend my private correspondences 
altogether, notwithstanding the arrears daily accumulat- 
ing. To this resolution I have thus far adhered. I must 
now endeavor to make some atonement for the delay, 
and your case is among the first that is suggested both 
by obligation & inclination. 

That one of your letters which is confidential has been 
imparted to no person whatever. The P. 0. Gen 1 , con- 
tinues in the hands of Col. H., who, though not perhaps 
sufficiently in the views of the administration, is much 
respected personally, & is warmly espoused politically also 
by some of the purest and most weighty of our friends.* 

* Joseph Habersham (born in Savannah, Georgia, July 28, 1751; died there Nov. 17, 
1815) was appointed Postmaster General by Washington, as successor to Timothy Picker- 
ing, and continued in office under John Adams and under Jefferson until the latter part of 
1801. lie was succeeded by Gideon Granger of Connecticut. See Appleton's Cyclopaedia 
of American Biography, vol. iii. p. 21; Lanman's Biographical Annals, p. 506 — Eds. 

1801.] JAMES MADISON". 97 

It will be difficult to make a satisfactory arrangement for 
this dep* that will not involve translations, &c, which 
will prevent a real vacancy. Besides this, T am inclined 
to believe that the P. would be afraid to draw on Virg a ag st 
competitions which w d . abound from other States. The 
indivual spoken of by you would, as you must be well 
assured, be perfectly desired as an associate in the public 
business, on every consideration, unless it be on that of 
robbing another important station of his services. 

Little has occurred which you have not found in the 
newspapers. The task of removing and appointing offi- 
cers continues to embarrass the Ex. and agitate particular 
parts of the Union. The degree, the mode, & the times 
of performing it are often rendered the more perplexing 
by the discord of information & counsel received from 
different persons whose principles & views are the same. 
In Connecticut the fever & murmur of discontent at the 
exercise of this power is the greatest. The removal of 
Goodrich & app*. of a respectable repul n . have produced a 
remonstrance to the President in the strongest terms that 
decorum would tolerate.* The spirit in that State is so 
perverse that it must be rectified by a peculiar mixture 
of energy and delicacy. The Sec y ship of the Navy is still 
unfilled. Langdon hav g . lately sent his final refusal The 
P. has just offered it to M r . Rob* Smith, who we hope will 
be prevailed on to take it.t 

Our news from abroad have not yet decided the fate of 
Egypt or furnished any sufficient data for calculating it. 
It is believed the Emperor Alexander will endeavor to 
keep at peace both with France & G. B., & at the same 
time not abandon the principle of the Coalition. This 

* The removal of Elizur Goodrich, Collector of the port of XeAV Haven, was one of the 
most unpopular acts of the new administration. See Henry Adams's History of the United 
States, vol. i. p. 226; Randall's Life of Thomas Jefferson, vol. ii. pp. 659-661. — Eds. 

t Robert Smith, of Maryland, finally became Secretary of the Navy under Jefferson, 
January 26, 1802. See Lanman's Biographical Annals, p. 506. — Eds. 



can only be done by mutually winking at mutual viola- 
tions of their respective claims. 

It is believed, or rather directly asserted by a consul 
just returned from S*. Domingo, that Toussaint will pro- 
claim in form the independence of that island within 2 or 
3 weeks. This event presents many important aspects to 
the U. S., as well as to other nations, which will not escape 
your eye. Lear * had not arrived there when the above 
person came away. We are impatient for the information 
which may be expected from him. 

You have probably heard the rumour of a cession of 
Louisiana to France by a late & latent treaty with Spain. 
The fact is not authenticated, but is extremely probable. 
If otherwise not probable, it is rendered so by the apparent 
policy of counteracting the Anglicism suspected in the 
Atlantic States & the alarm excited by Blount's affair of 
some combined project to throw that country into the 
hands of G. B.f The subject engages our attention, and 
the proceedings deemed most suited to the complexity of 
the case, and the contrariety of interests & views involved 
in it, will be pursued. It may be inferred, I think, that if 
France becomes possessed of this object, her policy will 
take a shape fitted to the interests and conciliatory to the 
minds of the Western people. This and the preceding 
paragraph need not be of promiscuous use. I hope to 
leave this place within two weeks or thereabouts, being 
admonished to hasten it by a late slight attack of bile to 
which my const" is peculiarly prone. 

Y rs . afP. 

Js. Madison. 

* Tobias Lear, sometime Private Secretary to Washington, was born in Portsmouth, 
N. H., Sept. 19, 1702, graduated at Harvard College in 1783, and died, by his own hand, 
in Washington, D. C, Oct. 11, 1816. In 1801 or 1802 he was made Consul General at St. 
Domingo. He was afterward Consul General at Algiers and Commissioner to Tripoli, and 
at the time of his death he was employed as an accountant in the War Department. See 
Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. iii. p. 048. — Eds. 

t See note, ante, p. 60. — Eds. 



William Vaughan, Esq., at Mess. Sam. Vaughan & Sons, London. 

Hallowell, June 24, 1801. 

Mr dear William, — M r . Jefferson, the President of 
the United States of America, is desirous of a refracting 
telescope, suited both for terrestrial & celestial objects, & 
costing from 20 to 30 guineas. 

When I was in London M r . Dollond still valued his 
father's old stock of glass, & the optical instruments sold 
by him were, generally speaking, held among the best in 
London. The merits of M r . Ramsden are so counteracted 
by his delays that I do not name him. But to avoid mis- 
takes, I wish you to apply to Sir Joseph Banks, M r . Caven- 
dish, & Sir Charles Blagden, who are each thoroughly 
acquainted with the present state of things in the branch 
in question, & take their advice. As old friends to my- 
self, & as persons likely to be anxious for the creditable 
execution of this commission, they will not refuse their 
best assistance. When you apply to them, pray add my 
respectful regards, and tell them that I am become one of 
the most extensive cultivators & busiest doctors in this 
quarter of the world ; but that I shall still hope to find 

* Banjamin Vaughan was the eldest son of Samuel Vaughan, a West India mer- 
chant and planter who settled in London, by his wife Sarah, a daughter of Benjamin 
Hallowell, of Boston, and was born in Jamaica, April 19, 1751, during a temporary 
residence of his parents on the island. He was educated at Hackney, Warrington, and 
the University of Cambridge, " but was prevented by the system of religious tests from 
graduating, being a Unitarian." He studied law and medicine, and afterward engaged 
in mercantile pursuits. At one time he was the private secretary of Lord Shelburne ; 
and at the request of that nobleman he took an active but unofficial part in the nego- 
tiations which resulted in the recognition of American Independence and the treaty of 
peace. About 1798 he came to America, and settled at Hallowell, where he died Dec. 
8, 1835. He was an intimate friend of Benjamin Franklin, and edited the first edition 
of Franklin's Complete Works. See Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, 
vol. vi. pp.266, 267; Dictionary of National Biography, vol. Iviii. pp. 158, 159. — Eds. 

t William Vaughan, the second son of Samuel and Sarah (Hallowell) Vaughan, was 
born Sept. 22, 1752, and died in London, May 5, 1850. He was a prominent merchant, 
a man of science, and the author of numerous pamphlets on matters connected with trade 
and commerce. See Dictionary of National Biography, vol. Iviii. pp. 187, 188. — Eds. 


time for the execution of any commands they may impose 
upon me. 

But to return to our telescope, I think I remember a 
telescope presented to D r . Price by some public body, & a 
similar one presented by my father to the Philosophical 
Society at Philadelphia ; each of which (as I believe) 
were made by M r Dollond, & cost about 30 guineas. That 
given to D r . Price I saw, & saw it applied to terrestrial 
objects ; & was so well content with it, that I wish it could 
be bought for M r . Jefferson, as it would answer for the 
banks of the Potowmack, & for the heavens, as far as 
instruments of that price can be expected to suit the 
latter purpose. 

If to the instrument, when sent, you can add any infor- 
mation regarding these subjects, which shall be useful to 
the President or his friends, I shall be gratified. 

As I am writing respecting science, this may be a proper 
place to inform you that I have not heard that your ac- 
quaintance M r . Masson, the King's botanist, has been in 
these parts. When he comes, I can furnish him with a 
capital informant, M r . W. Dandrige Peck. 
Yours very affect y : 

Benj n . Vaughan. 


Col° Wilson C. Nicholas, Albermarble. To go by way of Richmond. 

Caroline, Sepy 5, 1S01. 

Dear Sir, — I have no doubt respecting the accuracy of 
the description you have given of your lands, and very 
little as to the propriety of the prices you demand; but, 
upon consulting my feelings to know how they would 
relish a long journey, they recoil forcibly from the idea ; 
and have disclosed to me either that my relish for acquir- 
ing property is so much weakened, or that for quiet & 

1801.] JOHN TAYLOR. 101 

sedentary life so much strengthened, as to make it improb- 
able that I should be willing to visit or manage property 
lying at a great distance. 

Respecting the judiciary law of the last Congress, I 
have long since made up my mind as to what ought to be 
done, altho' I have troubled no one with my opinion : not 
only because the chances are against its correctness, on 
account of the hasty manner in which my temper leads 
me to decide, but because correctness is little or no rec- 
ommendation of any opinion ; as you ask it, however, it 

The question consists of two points : I s . 13 , can Congress 
take away the judicial powers the law confers ? 2 1 ?, can 
they take away the salaries of the judges ? The law itself 
determines the first point. It abolishes in strong language 
certain courts previously established, and of course takes 
away judicial powers previously bestowed. These courts 
have ceased to exist, & these powers to be exercised. If 
the last law was constitutional in abolishing the former 
courts & powers, then a law to repeal the last and re- 
establish the former will also be constitutional ; if not, 
then it ought to be repealed, & is in fact void as being 

The second question does not I think fall within the 
legislative province. Congress can only decide whether 
these new jurisdictions are pernicious or beneficial to 
society. If the former, they ought not to remain, because 
society may possibly sustain an additional pecuniary in- 
jury ; if the latter, the expence ought not to deprive it of 
the blessing. It would be strange reasoning to say that 
the misfortune of paying salaries may be recompensed by 
those of a mischievous judiciary system, and the most 
pernicious precedent that I can recollect. If the mischiefs, 
both judicial & political of this law, shall outweigh its 
benefits, I cannot conceive that the additional mischief of 
expence will save it, or that Congress will for such a 


reason forbear to defeat its other mischiefs. And if 
the question as to salaries belongs to the judiciary, it 
would be strange should Congress discuss it, or forbear to 
exercise their constitutional power or to do their duty, lest 
the judges should decide this question erroneously. Espe- 
cially as the responsibility of the judiciary cannot begin 
until Congress shall perform their function. Then the 
question will occur whether the abolition of a court abol- 
ishes the salary constitutionally. The responsibility of the 
decision falls on the judiciary. If it is in the affirmative 
the Republicans will gain the popularity of abolishing this 
horrid law; if in the negative, the judges, the odium of 
continuing & receiving sinecures. 

You are warm for some constitutional reform, and yet 
you ask me, what can Mr. Jefferson do towards it ? What 
can he not do ? Has he complained of the power of the 
executive, in weak & passionate hands, to do evil ; & can 
he deny its power, guided by consummate talents, to do 
good ? Or is society more ready to support the executive 
in efforts to oppress than in efforts to relieve ? If Mr. J. 
can do nothing, who can ? Who possesses his power or 
talents ? Are they to be found in poor diggers of the earth, 
such as myself ? How often has Mr. J. contemplated in 
raptures the idea of a patriot king ! Let him realize that 
idea, and not utterly astound the philosophers of the 
world, by the sight of the head of their body, at the head 
of a great nation, without doing any thing material for 
human happiness. A rigid economy will enable the ad- 
ministration to repeal some of the most obnoxious tax 
laws, and this will acquire a confidence which will enable 
them to do either right or wrong. Respecting amendments 
of the Constitution, I do not think that those elegantly 
proposed in the official paper under the signature of Solon, 
will do much, — they were evils begotten by a cause, 
which cause will engender new evils, tho' these should be 
removed. Before the dispute as to the treaty making 

1801.] JOHN TAYLOR. 103 

power, the sedition or alien laws, &% this wicked cause 
had contaminated the principles of society, & marshalled 
it into envenomed parties. By leaving this cause to dis- 
tribute its venom, it will beget new disorders in the 
community, faster than any political doctors can cure 
them. The bounds of a letter prohibit me from going 
into this subject. At any rate, I deprecate the idea of 
Mr. J.'s leaving the presidency (unless under an alteration 
of the constitution) as the greatest public calamity which 
could happen. Let him, for God's sake (I confess that he 
owes very little to men) make his country happy as long 
as he lives, if he will not adventure upon great reforms 
for the controul of wicked men after he is dead. 

I have repeated your application to Mr. M*:Calister 
without success. His price for tuition is twelve pounds 
per annum, and he never exceeds 12 or 13 pupils. Board 
without washing would probably be 100 dollars. Port 
Royal is, I think, as healthy as any part of Albermarle. It 
possesses the vices of all small towns, out of which boys, 
whose parents imprudently furnish with much money, 
could not be entirely kept ; for boys in towns have very 
little use for money, except to buy vice. Lads under 15, 
dressed plain & scantily monied, would not suffer much in 
morals in Port Royal, if I may judge from the instances I 
know. Farewell. Believe to be, 

Yr. friend, 

John Taylor. 

I prefer Mr. Maury's for small boys 
who learn the languages Gr : & La 




Philadelphia, 27 th October, 1801. 

Dear Sir, — A short but severe fit of the gout has 
delayed my acknowledgment of your favor of the 22 d . I 
sincerely regret the necessity that has occasioned M r Han- 
son's! reference to me, and in the just estimate of his 
character and merits, shall feel a twofold gratification in 
the possibility that I may afford him a temporary relief 
from political persecution and intolerance. If, in the 
event of my contemplated success, the station he asks will 
be acceptable, he cannot receive it with half the pleasure 
I shall feel in that acceptance. No circumstance of pre- 
engagement interferes with the performance of this 
promise, and I only lament that a previous contingent 
arrangement precludes my offering him the more eligible 
station of principal clerk. 

I sought out and delivered your letter to Mess rs . Fry 
and Chapman ; they are Germans, and not understand- 
ing English, desired me to read it to one of their brethern 
to translate, which being done, they requested that I 
would convey to you their high gratification and thank- 
fulness for so particular a mark of your favor and 

In about ten days M rs Beckley and myself hope to be 
in Washington, when I shall have the pleasure to com- 
municate to you a singular overture to me, by letter, 
from a Foederal senator, to place me in the station of 
Secretary of the Senate. M r . Duane desires me to express 
the deep sense he entertains of your favor, friendship, and 

* John Beckley was a Virginian by birth, and was Clerk of the House of Representa- 
tives of the United States from the organization of the government under the Constitution 
down to May 15, 1797, and again from D-c. 7, 1801, down to Oct. 26, 1807. See Lanman's 
Biographical Annals, pp. 27, 505. — Ens. 

t Samuel Hanson, of Virginia. The office for which he was an applicant seems to have 
been that of Engrossing Clerk for the House of Representatives. — Eds. 

1802.] SARAH BLACKDEN. 105 

support; permit me to add a corresponding sentiment 

for myself, united with the most sincere esteem and 


John Beckley. 


New York, January y e 4 th , 1802. 
N°. 260 Pearl Street. 

Sir, — The friendship with which you condescended to 
honor my late husband and myself in former years, and 
your favorable reception of him a few months ago, lead 
me to the liberty of writing you on the subject of the 
compensation which we had hoped for from our country 
as due to his services and sacrifices in the late War for 
its Independence. 

The public prints have probably ere now announced to 
you the death of Col . Blackden. This melancholy and 
distressing and at the same time sudden and unexpected 
event took place on the evening of y e 22 nd ult° after a 
short tho' severe illness, which commenced just at the 
moment when he intended to have prepared a renewal of 
his memorial or petition to Congress. As this task now 
devolves on me as the legal and only representative of 
my husband, I have, by recommendation of his Honor the 
Vice-President and other gentlemen of influence and re- 
spectability, determined to undertake it. 

To General Bailey, one of the representatives from this 
State, who in the last session was kind enough to bring 
forward this subject, I shall under the present date trans- 
mit my petition, together with such documents as were 
then exhibited. It is my intention to write also to M r 
Rutledge and Col°. Talmadge in the lower House, and to 
M r Baldwin, M r Brown & M r Bradlie of the Senate, but 

* Widow of Col. Samuel Blackden. Only the signature to this letter is in the hand- 
writing of Mrs. Blackden. — Eds. 


to your Excellency I can address myself with more free- 
dom. Your humane feelings, the knowledge you have 
had of our situation at the close of the war and after, of 
our subsequent losses, of the Colonel's confinement to the 
use of crutches during more than seven of the last years 
of his life, of our total deprivation of income in conse- 
quence, and of the reasonableness of our pretentions on 
the score of public relief, all tend to inspire me with con- 
fidence that you will be interested in my behalf, and that 
you will cause to be done whatever you can, consistently 
with your high station, for procuring me that provision 
and protection which under all circumstances I shall be 
found to merit. 

I pray your Excellency's indulgence for this intrusion, 
and am with great respect & consideration, 

Your Excellency's most humble & afflicted serv*., 

Sarah Blackden. 

His Excellency, Thomas Jefferson, Esq., 
President of the United States. 


D R Sir, — I thank you, sincerely thank you, for your 
letter. I was apprehensive that all my old Congressional 
friends had forgotten me. You have rescued me, with 
respect to one of the number most valued, from the pain 
and mortification of that apprehension. Pray let me hear 
from you often, and be assured that in every way I will 
endeavour to repay the obligation. 

* Alexander J. Dallas was the son of a Scottish physician, and was born in the island of 
Jamaica, June 21, 1759, removed to Philadelphia in April, 1783, and died at Trenton, N. J., 
Jan. 14, 1817. He was appointed United States District Attorney for the eastern district 
of Pennsylvania in 1801, and held that office until 1814, when he was appointed Secretary 
of the Treasury by Mr. Madison. After March, 1815, he also discharged the duties of 
Secretary of War. He retired from office in November, 1810. (See Appleton's Cyclopaedia 
of American Biography, vol. ii. p. 58.) This letter was probably enclosed in an envelope 
which has not been preserved. It is indorsed on the back in a handwriting believed to be 
that of Wilson C. Nicholas, "A. J. Dallas," and there can be little doubt that the letter 
was written to him. — Eds. 

1802.] ALEXANDER J. DALLAS. 107 

Even in giving an opinion upon the subject of your 
letter you shall have a proof of my sincerity, for you shall 
have the opinion, though I am convinced it will put at 
risque the compliment which is conveyed in the manner 
of asking it. Lawyer-like, I will consider the question in 
three points of view : 1 st . Whether any essential change 
should be attempted in the Judiciary. 2 d . Whether, if 
any, the change should be total. 3 d . Whether a change, 
by merely abolishing the Circuit Court establishment and 
re-instating the old system, would be beneficial. 

1. On the first point, I disclaim all idea of disputing 
the constitutional power of Congress to legislate upon the 
administration of justice, as well as upon any other object 
of public concern. The power of creating and the power 
of annihilating systems of jurisprudence within the boun- 
daries of the constitutional outline, I think fairly and prop- 
erly vested in Congress. With a country like our's, half 
wilderness, a population like our's, a mere germ, and ex- 
ternal prospects like our's, scarcely in the dawn, it would be 
idle to suppose that what a law might do to-day, in relation 
to the circumstances of the day, another law might not 
modify, change, or supersede twenty years hence in rela- 
tion to circumstances produced by that lapse of time. 
The nature of the thing will not admit such a doctrine ; 
and there is nothing in the positive provisions of the Con- 
stitution subversive of the nature of the thing. 

But affirming that Congress has a constitutional power, 
the policy of exercising it merits a serious consideration . 
It will not be a sufficient reason for exercising the power 
to anihilate the existing system, that there was an abuse 
of power in creating it. An enlightened patriot or a pru- 
dent politician will reflect well before he considers the 
mere transfer of power from one party to another through 
the medium of a popular election as a just or a safe 
ground of action. Those who think that the law of the 
last session ought to be repealed must encounter every 


prejudice in favour of judicial independence on principle 
as well as on the popular construction of the Constitution. 
They must be prepared to satisfy the public that the re- 
peal was not as much the effect of party as the enacting. 
They must be able to shew that the law was useless, or at 
least that the benefits were far from being an equivalent 
for the expenses of the institution. But, above all, it will 
be incumbent on them to ascertain the consequences of 
the precedent. 

I have not time to detail my feelings and opinions ; 
but, as far as they can be of any weight, I console myself 
with the proverb while writing to you — a word to the 
wise. The result of all I have thought, heard, or seen, 
would not be so decisively in favor of an essential change 
in the judiciary as our friends at Washington have re- 
solved. Perhaps the great convenience which Pennsyl- 
vania has experienced from the new Circuit Court may 
warp my judgment. The imperfections of our State 
Judiciary, and the improbability of any liberal reform, 
may, likewise, have an influence. But, upon the whole, 
I should be disposed to make some amendments, yet, not 
essentially to change the existing system. 

2. If, however, a change must be made, I am glad to 
find that it will not be a total one. The Supreme Court 
ought to be preserved. It is a Constitutional court, and 
you cannot abolish it without appearing to aim more at 
the persons who are actually the judges than would be 
proper under any circumstances. 

3. I cannot conceive that a repeal of the Act of the 
last session and a reinstatement of the old system will 
eventually be satisfactory to the public. The Constitu- 
tion appears to regard the Supreme Court as a court of 
appellate jurisdiction, except in a few specified cases ; and 
the judges being assembled from all parts of the Union, 
an unity of principle and practice, as to all great ques- 
tions, would naturally be introduced and preserved. But 

1802.] ALEXANDER J. DALLAS. 109 

employing the judges of the Supreme Court as judges of 
the Circuit Courts occasioned delay, uncertainty, and in- 
convenience incalculable : — 1. The judges were members 
of the court established to revise their own proceedings. 
2. The same judges scarcely ever presided at the com- 
mencement and the close of the same suit ; so that, 
generally speaking, the interlocutory decisions were 
pronounced by one judge, and the final judgment given 
by another. 3. Judges accustomed only to the laws 
and practice of Massachusetts were sent to decide ac- 
cording to the laws and practice of South Carolina, &c, &c. 
If, then, you abolish the existing Circuit Courts, I pray 
you to form some system that will prevent the evils which 
I have hinted at. The remedy is not to be found in 
transferring Federal business to our State courts. The 
State courts have already more business than they can 

To these desultory remarks let me add that I rejoice in 
the prospect of a legislative declaration on the subject of 
the common law jurisdiction in cases of crime. But 
whenever the declaration is made you must take care to 
have a statute provision for punishing every offence 
which it is proper to punish in a Federal court. That is 
not the case at present, particularly in relation to mis- 
demeanours on the high seas. 

M r . s Dallas & Sophia join me in a cordial remembrance 
of yourself and our other friends at Washington. Be so 
good as to tell M r . Dayton that Miss Dayton is well. She 
promises to prepare a letter for me to inclose to him in a 
few days. I am, with sincere regard, dr. Sir, 
Y r . affect 6 , hble serv*. 

A. J. Dallas. 

4 Jany. 1802. 



N. York, Febry. 9th [1802.] 

Your acquaintance, my dear Sir, with the amiable 
family Dupont, & the very polite attentions of which they 
retain so lively an impression, precludes all necessity of 
an introduction to M de Dupont, whose individual merit is 
such as not to require a relative claim to admiration. I 
am, however, too proud in owning her as my friend, & in 
the possibility of introducing her to you, to neglect this 
opportunity of availing myself of these advantages ; as 
conciliating both my affection & my vanity, they are 
fraught with charms ever welcomed by a female heart & 
mind ; the candor of this confession denotes how much I 
am gratified by the subjects which occasion it. In addi- 
tion to the advantage of your society, my dear Sir, I very 
much wish that our charming friend may unite that of 
your daughters, first as to her own gratification, & sec- 
ondly, as to that I shall receive in conversing of them 
with her. 

Mama has been very ill ; she is now much recovered, & 
desires I would present you her comp ts . & assure you that 
she shall receive a peculiar gratification in the attention 
she sollicits for our friend. As you no doubt retain some 
agreable impressions of her country, you will not be dis- 
pleased in its being thus recalled to you by an echantillon 
of that grace of mind & elegance of manners which con- 
stitutes the superior & distinctive merit of her country- 
women. They could not choose a representative so well 
calculated to do them honor. 

It is so long since I have heard from my friend Maria 
that I fear she has lost sight of me. Pray, my dear Sir, 
assure her, Mrs. Randolph & yourself, that I preserve 
with care every remembrance which composes my sincere 

* See note, ante, p. 88. Miss Church sometimes wrote her name Catherine and some- 
times Cutharine. — Eds. 


& grateful regard to the friends of my infancy & unite to 
them every motive which renders me desirous & proud to 
retain some portion of their friendship, & which so effect- 
ually conciliates my consideration & esteem. 

Catharine Church. 


Washington, Feb. 21, 1802. 

Dear Sir, — I am made happy by the regular accounts 
of the health of the inhabitants of Edgehill. Here there 
has been an uncommon degree of sickness, ascribed, of 
course, to the mild winter, tho' we cannot see why. The 
H. of R. have now been a week debating the judiciary 
law, and scarcely seem to be yet on the threshold of it. 
I begin to apprehend a long session ; however, I believe 
all material matters recommended in the first day's mes- 
sage will prevail. The majority begins to draw better 
together than at first. Still there are some wayward 
freaks which now & then disturb the operations. 

I know nothing of the person from Loudon who went 
to take Shadwell, having never heard of him till your 
letter. In a letter to Mr. Craven, which he received on 
the day of the date of yours, I expressed a wish that he 
could bring some good tenant to it ; and as the man hap- 
pened to be with him that very day, he made an agree- 
ment with him to take all, except the yard, on Peyton's 
terms ; but as to the yard, that remains to be arranged. 
I have written to him on the subject. 

I forward you two newspapers presenting two versions 
of Hamilton's speeches. The language of insurgency is 
that of the party at present, even in Congress. Mr. 
Bayard,* in a speech of 7 hours, talked with confidence 

* James A. Bayard of Delaware, one of the most eminent and influential Federalists in 
the House of Representatives. He strenuously resisted the repeal of the Judiciary 
Act. — Eds. 


of the possibility of resistance by arms. They expect 
to frighten us, but are met with perfect sangfroid. Pre- 
sent my warmest affections to my ever dear Martha & 
the little ones, and be assured of my constant & sincere 

Tn : Jefferson. 


Permtt me, my dear Sir, to introduce my brother to 
the honor of your notice. His journey has for motive 
business of a very interesting nature in which he will have 
to sollicit your favor, & I shall not be of our family the 
one who will not share the obligation it will confer on 
him, & the pleasure of knowing that the wrongs he has 
suffered will find redress. 

It is very long since I have heard of my friend Maria. 
I do not, however, think of her the less & hope that she & 
Mrs. Randolph are well & happy. Do me the favor to 
remember me to them & accept, my dear Sir, the constant 
assurance of my esteem & attachment. 

Catharine Cruger. 

April 29th, 1802. 


Richmond, 16th j une , 1802. 

Dear Sir, — In compliance with the desire express'd in 
your favor of the 12 th , I have been endeavouring to get an 
offer for your tobacco, but no one seems disposed to make 
a positive one, unless I were authorized to make sale of it. 

Should I be authorised to sell it at such a price, a M r . 
Rutherfoord tells me that he thinks it probable he will give 
4| $ cash, or 5 $ at 90 days. This last price, however, I 
think may be had in cash, but better than that I fear is 
not to be expected. 

* See note, ante, p. 88. — Eds. 


It is a rare thing now a days to meet with any one who 
will give an extra price on credit, who is with safety to be 

No earth-quake I suppose ever produced a greater crush, 
than peace has amongst the merchants.* I have myself 
by fatal experience become a convert to your opinion, 
" that 500 acres of land is of more value than the prospect 
of the fortune of any merchant whatever." Your good- 
ness will, I trust, excuse these observations. 

I am, dear Sir, your very humble sev*, 

Geo. Jefferson. 

Tho s . Jefferson, Esq. 


Washington, Dec. 19, 03. 

Dear Sir, — The post of last night brings us agreeable 
information from New Orleans & Natchez. Gen 1 . Wilkin- 
son arrived at N. Orleans from Mobille Nov. 25, settled 
immediately with Laussat all the circumstances of the 
delivery, & proceeded next day to Fort Adams, where he 
would arrive on the 30 th , & expect to meet Claiborne there 
ready for embarcation. On the 29 th . Laussat demanded 
possession of the Spanish officers, who instantly agreed to 
deliver the place on the next day (30 th .) at noon, & every 
thing was arranged for that purpose. Laussat meant to 
garrison the forts with militia, & to appoint a person to 
every office civil & military to take the place of the 
Spanish incumbents. In all this he acted in concert with 
Clarke, mixing many Americans in the offices, & giving 
the command of the militia to a friend of Clarke's. Clai- 
borne embarked 100 militia Dec. 1, from Natchez for Fort 
Adams, & set out Dec. 2 by land for the same place, ex- 
pecting to fall in with & carry on to that place 80 militia 

* The peace of Amiens, to which the writer refers, was concluded March 25, 1802, and 
was followed by a great fall in prices. — Eds. 



more. He would find Wilkinson there with all the regu- 
lars ready for embarcation, which probably took place on 
the 3 d or 4 th , & they would arrive at N. Orleans the 6 th or 
7 th . If on the 6 th , we shall hear of it Christmas night ; if 
not till the 7 th , we shall not hear it till the night of New 
Year's day.* The Marquis of Casa Calva had ordered the 
barracks to be got ready to recieve & accomodate our 
troops, and proposed to embark all his own, the moment 
he had delivered the place, on board an armed vessel then 
lying ready to recieve them ; so that they will be gone 
before the arrival of our troops. Laussat would hold the 
government about a week. This is for yourself & Mr 
Eppes.t My tender love to my dear Martha & Maria, and 
all the young ones, & affectionate salutations to yourself 
& Mr Eppes. 

Th : Jeffersox. 


Washington, Oct. 7, 04. 

My dear Martha, — I arrived here this day week, 
having travelled through the rain of that day rather than 
stay in disagreeable quarters. I experienced no inconven- 
ience from it. The Marquis Yrujo arrived two days 
after me, and Mr. Madison & Gen 1 . Dearborne got here the 
last night. The latter has left his family in Maine for 
the winter. Yrujo is said to be very ill, taken two days 
ago. I inclose a magazine for Jefferson, merely for the 
sake of the plate which may add to the collection for his 
room 4 You will see in the magazine an account of a 
new work by Mrs. Robinson, Mrs. Cosway, & Mrs. Wat- 

* For an account of the delivery of Louisiana to the United States, see Henry Adams's 
History of the United States, vol. ii. p. 256. — Eds. 

t Maria, Jefferson's youngest surviving daughter, had married her half-cousin, John 
Wayles Eppes, October 13, 1797. She died April 17, 1804. — Eds. 

J Thomas Jefferson Randolph, Jefferson's eldest grandson, was then about twelve years 
old. — Eds. 


son, which must be curious.*' A great deal of sickness 
has been & still exists in this place : I trust, however, 
that the hard frosts we had a week ago have destroyed 
the germ of new cases. The sickliness of the summer 
has been so general that we may consider the exemption 
of our canton from it as very remarkable. Four weeks 
to-morrow our winter campaign opens. I dread it on 
account of the fatigues of the table in such a round of 
company, which I consider as the most serious trials I 
undergo. I wish much to turn it over to younger hands 
and to be myself but a guest at the table, & free to leave 
it as others are ; but whether this would be tolerated is 
uncertain. I hope Mr. Randolph, yourself, & the dear 
children continue well. I miss you all at all times, but 
especially at breakfast, dinner, & the evening, when I have 
been used to unbend from the labours of the day. Present 
me affectionately to Mr. Randolph, & my kisses to the 
young ones. My tender and unchangeable love to your- 
self. Adieu, my ever dear daughter. 

Th : Jefferson. 


Washington, June 12, 05. 

Dear Sir, — M r . John D. Burke of Petersburg, engaged 
in writing the history of Virginia has asked the use of a 
volume of laws & some volumes of antient newspapers 
from the library at Monticello. I have desired Mr. Ran- 
dolph to send them to you, & will pray } 7 ou to deliver the 
volumes of newspapers to Mr. Burke himself; but the 
volume of laws being the only copy of the laws of that 
period now existing, and being consequently often resorted 
to in judiciary cases, I wish it to remain in Richmond, 

* This may have been the " Progress of Female Virtue and of Female Dissipation," a set 
of aquatints, designed by Maria Cosway, and executed by Caroline Watson. See Dictionary 
of National Biography, vol. xii. p. 279 ; vol. lx. p. 10. — Eds. 


where others, who may have occasion, as well as Mr. 
Burke, may have such free access as is consistent with the 
safe keeping of the volume. This may be in the office of 
any careful clerk who will undertake it for Mr. Burke, or 
wherever else you may think proper to deposit them. I 
have directed these volumes to be sent you well packed in 
a water-tight box, so that they may be safe from rubbing & 
wet, and will pray you to have them returned to me with 
like care when Mr. Burke is done with them. Accept 
affectionate salutations. 

Th: Jefferson. 

M r . George Jefferson. 


Washington, June 23, 06. 

Dear Sir, — As Mr. Eandolph might possibly be from 
home & the inclosed in that case be opened by my 
daughter, I have taken the liberty of putting it under 
your cover with a request to put it into his own hands. The 
subject of it is perhaps unknown to my daughter, & may 
as well continue so. It's object is to induce Mr Randolph 
to act with coolness & an attention to his situation in this 
unhappy affair between him & J. R., which the news- 
papers are endeavoring to revive. It is not inclination in 
any body, but a fear of the opinion of the world which 
leads men to the absurd & immoral decision of differences 
by duel. The greatest service, therefore, which Mr T. M. 
R.'s friends can render him is to convince him that altho' 
the world esteems courage & disapproves of the want of 
it, yet in a case like his, & especially where it has been 
before put out of doubt, the mass of mankind & particu- 

* See note, ante, p. 3, and also Dictionary of National Biography, vol. xlii. p. 18. The 
letter here printed refers to the bitter quarrel between Thomas Mann Randolph and John 
Randolph, of Roanoke, near the end of the first session of the ninth Congress. See Gar- 
land's Life of John Randolph, vol. i. pp. 242-251 ; Randall's Life of Thomas Jefferson, vol. 
iii. pp. 1G4-1G7. — Eixs. 


larly that thinking part whose esteem we value, would 
condemn in a husband & father of a numerous family 
every thing like forwardness in this barbarous and lawless 
appeal. A conduct cool, candid, and merely defensive is 
quite as much as could be admitted by any in such a case 
as his ; and I verily believe that if such a conduct be ob- 
served on his part, the matter may yet die away. I should 
be unwilling to have it known that I meddle at all in 
this, and therefore write to you in confidence. Accept my 
friendly salutations & assurances of esteem & respect. 

Th: Jefferson. 



Washington, Nov. 3, 06. 

Dear Sir, — Yesterday was sennight I wrote to Reuben 
Lewis, informing him he might hourly expect his brother 
there. I meant the next day, which was the post day, to 
have written it to vou also, but was in the intervening; 
evening taken with the autumnal fever so as to be unable 
to write. The attack was slight & I am now perfectly 
recovered, and engaged in taking the repeating doses of 

We have no information of the progress of our negocia- 
tions either at London or Paris, & I have no hope of our 
learning their conclusion before the meeting of Congress. 
Indeed it seems as if Spain would be able to protract the 
latter, in spite of what either we or France can do to spur 
her up. We have no doubt of the death of Mr. Fox in the 
course of September, altho' none of the stories yet received 
are worth notice.* Mr. Erskine is arrived here & is to be 
presented to-day, & Mr. Merry will at the same time take 
leave, t 

* Charles James Fox died of dropsy, Sept. 13, 1806. — Eds. 

t Anthony Merry was British minister to the United States from 1803 to 1806, and was 
succeeded by David M. Erskine, who was here until October, 1809. — Eds. 


Bond, who was his mentor when formerly here, is, we 
are told, like a good Yicar of Bray, gone over to the new 
ministry.* In the quarter of Natchitoches I believe every 
thing will remain quiet. Burr is unquestionably very 
actively engaged in the westward in preparations to sever 
that from this part of the Union. We learn that he is 
actually building 10 or 15 boats able to take a large gun 
& fit for the navigation of those waters. We give him all 
the attention our situation admits ; as yet we have no 
legal proof of any overt act which the law can lay hold of. 
Present my tenderest affections to my dear Martha & the 
young ones, & accept assurances yourself of constant 

Th : Jefferson. 

T. M. Randolph 


"Washington, Nov. 23, 07. 

My dear Martha, — Here we are all well, & my last 
letters from Edgehill informed me that all were so there, 
except some remains of influenza hanging on yourself. I 
shall be happy to hear you are entirely clear of it's re- 
mains. It seems to have gained strength & malignancy 
in it's progress over the country. It has been a formidable 
disease in the Carolinas, but worst of all in Kentucky ; 
fatal, however, only to old persons. Davy will set out 
on his return to-morrow. He will carry an earthen box 
of monthly strawberries, which I must put under Anne's 
care till spring, when we will plant them at Monticello. 
I have stuck several sprigs of geranium in a pot which 
contained a plant supposed to be orange, but not known 
to be so. 

* Phineas Bond, a native of Philadelphia, was British consul-general for the Middle and 
Southern States from 1780 to 1812 or 1813. See Report of the American Historical Associa- 
tion for 18 ( JG, vol. i. pp. 513-517. —Eds. 

1807.] THOMAS JEFFERSON". 119 

We have little company of strangers in town this win- 
ter. The only ladies are the wives of Mess rs . Newton, 
Thurston, W. Alston, Marion, Mumford, Blount, Adams, 
Cutts, & Mrs M c Creary expected. Congress are all ex- 
pectation & anxiety for the news expected by the Revenge 
or by Col Monro, whose immediate return, however, 
may be doubted. The war-fever is past, & the probability 
against it's return rather prevalent. A caucus of malcon- 
tent members has been held and an organized opposition 
to the government arranged, J. R. & J. C. at it's head ; * 
about 20 members composed it. Their object is to em- 
barras, avoiding votes of opposition beyond what they 
think the nation will bear. Their chief mischief will be 
done by letters of misrepresentations to their constituents, 
for in neither house, even with the assured aid of the Fed- 
eralists, can they shake the good sense & honest inten- 
tions of the mass of real Republicans. But I am tired of 
a life of contention and of being the personal object for 
the hatred of every man who hates the present state of 
things. I long to be among you, where I know nothing 
but love & delight, and where instead of being chained to 
a writing table I could be indulged as others are with the 
blessings of domestic society & pursuits of my own choice. 
Adieu, my ever dear Martha ; present me affectionately 
to Mr. Randolph & the family. 

Th : Jefferson. 

M r8 . Randolph. 

* John Randolph, of Roanoke, and Joseph Clay, one of the members from Pennsylvania. 
See Hildreth's History of the Unite I States, vol. vi. pp. 64, 65. — Eds. 



Richmond, September 30 th , 1808. 

Witii eyes suffused with the tears of gratitude, dear 
and respected Sir, did I peruse your affectionate, your 
generous letter to my beloved husband ! t On the brink 
of the grave it awaken'd him to hope, to renovated life, in 
the prospect it afforded him of having his wishes realized 
in the education of his sons, a subject which sat heavy on 
his heart, and had allmost reduced him to despondency ; 
for from the deranged state of his affairs and the pressure 
of many debts, the property which he will leave will not 
do more than supply my children and myself with food 
and raiment ! Judge, then, what were our feelings on 
receiving this proof of your comprehensive, your disinter- 
ested, your generous friendship, which a mind philan- 
thropic as your own could alone have originated. My 
dying husband bless'd you with the energy and piety of a 
saint, and the siveet consciousness of having cheer'd his last 
hours with the prospect you have afforded for the relief 
of the pecuniary distresses of his widow and his orphans, 
will be unto you the best of recommences ! 

But, my dear Sir, I am grieved to inform you that M r . 
Francis Page declines accepting the office of Commissioner 
of Loans on the terms proposed by your benevolence. 
He came to Richmond on Friday last and informed his 
father that in August he had received a communication 
from you made thro' a friend of yours to M r . Hugh Nel- 

* Second wife of Gov. John Page. John Page, an early and life-long friend of Thomas 
Jefferson, was born at Kosewell, Gloucester County, Va., April 17, 1744, graduated at Wil- 
liam and Mary College in 1763, and died in Richmond Oct. 11, 1808, less than a fortnight 
after the date of this letter. He was one of the Representatives in Congress from 1789 to 
1797, Governor of the State from 1802 to 1805, and Commissioner of Loans from 1806 till 
his death. See Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography, vol. iv. p. 624 ; Lanraan's 
Biographical Annals, p. 320. — Eds. 

t The draught of Jefferson's letter to Page, dated Monticello. Sept. 6, 1808, and "offer- 
ing continuance of his oilice, or to transfer it to his son," is in the Department of State at 
Washington. — Eds. 

1808.] MARGARET PAGE 121 

son, in which you offered him the office on condition of 
his resigning it to Gregory when he became of age, M r . 
F. Page in the mean time (a period of near eight years) 
enjoying all the emoluments ; and under that impression he 
had signified his intention of accepting it and could on 
no other, as he thought the duties of the office would re- 
quire his residence in Richmond, which would increase 
his expences to the amount of the salary, besides derang- 
ing his other plans for his future success in life. M r . 
Page observed to him that when he first, thro' his friend 
Doctor Tucker, relying on your friendship, proposed that 
he should be his successor in the office, it was on the 
express d condition that he should allow Gregory the 
clerk's salary, 1000$ ; to this he returned a very evasive 
answer, saying he would have allowed 500 if he found he 
could have afforded it, but that to the terms contemplated 
by your letter to his father he could by no means sub- 
scribe. It is evident, then, most highly respected Sir, 
that I and my children have no expectations from M r . 
Francis Page, and I hope you will pardon the candid 
statement I am about to make you, which the many 
proofs that I have witness'd of your disinterested attach- 
ment to my unfortunate husband, and his earnest request 
that I should write to you, he being unable to do it him- 
self, encourage me to make. 

One of the physicians who attends my dear husband 
was also visiting a sick child of M r . Thomas Taylor's of 
this city, and in the course of conversation frequently 
mentioned the alarming progress of M r . Page's disorder, 
and the probable situation in which I and my children 
would be left. Mr. Taylor, with a benevolence similar to 
your own (tho' only an acquaintance), requested the doctor 
to inform M r . Page that he had, on the first establishment 
of the Loan Office, served in it as a clerk for five years, and 
was so perfectly familiar with the business of the Commis- 
sioner, that the duties could be executed by him with very 


little trouble to himself, and as he had much spare time, 
having: declined the business in which he was en^as-ed at 
the time of his marriage, it would rather be an amuse- 
ment to him ; and that, as he understood an application 
had been made in the case of M™. Jones, that the office 
might be held in trust for her, if M r . Page would make a 
similar one for me, and you would permit him to hold the 
office for the benefit of me and my children, he would 
pledge himself in the most sacred manner that the salary 
should be paid to me every quarter, and in case of my 
death, to whomsoever I should appoint to receive it for 
my children. M r . Page, feeling himself delicately situated 
with respect to M r . F. Page, and it being before he received 
your letter, requested the doctor to tell M r . Taylor, that he 
should ever be truely grateful to him for his generous 
offer, that he would consider the subject and communicate 
to him his determination. After the receipt of your letter 
and M r . F. Page's declining the office on the terms proposed, 
and advising his father to accept the offer of M r . Taylor, 
M r . Page desired me to see M r . Taylor, he being himself 
too ill to converse with him, and to inform him of the 
contents of your highly valued letter, — a confidence he 
deem'd M r . Taylor worthy of from his friendly conduct. 
M r . Taylor then gave me every assurance that should you 
think him worthy of holding the office in trust for me and 
my children, his engagement should be inviolable ; he added 
that his having been unfortunately one of the securities 
of Burr, in compliance with the entreaties of a friend, for 
he had then no personal knowledge of Burr, might place 
him in an unfavorable point of view to you, and was he 
applying for the office for his oivn advantage, he could not 
expect it to be overlook'd, but from the general philan- 
thropy of your character, and the well known patriotism 
of M r . Page, which required every consideration of his 
country, he hoped it might not prove an insuperable ob- 
jection ; for as to the purity of his character as a man and 

1808.] MAKGARET PAGE. 123 

a citizen he could bring testimonials from the most respect- 
able inhabitants of Richmond, and he particularly men- 
tioned M r . George Jefferson, with whom he has been many 
years in habits of great intimacy ; yet as it was possible 
you might judge it improper to nominate him, he had 
mention'd his apprehensions to M r . Benjamin Harrison, 
of Berkley, in Charles City County,* a cousin of his lady 
and a relation of M r . Page, who immediately offered to 
take the office on the same conditions ; should you, then, 
my dear Sir, think the proposal of M r . Taylor inadmissible, 
will you consider that of M r . Harrison, to whom there can 
be no objection but his youth, he being only twenty-three 
years of age. He is the grandson of the late Governor 
Harrison, has been educated in Republican principles, to 
which he strictly adheres, is of very amiable private char- 
acter and possesses an independant handsome fortune, 
which enables him to live without any profession ; and 
as he passes the greater part of his time in Richmond, the 
duties of the office can be performed by him without his in- 
curring any additional expence, and with very little personal 
trouble. You are sensible, most highly honored Sir, that 
in this case the selection of the person whom I should 
most approve rests not with me ; I could ask so great a 
favor from no man ; and in making known to you the 
generous and disinterested offers of M r . Taylor and M r . 
Harrison, I have only performed my duty to my children, 
and whatever may be your determination the affection 
and gratitude of my children and myself must ever be 

It is my intention to reside at Rosewell, and should the 
plan suggested by your friendship and a knowledge of the 
sacrifices made by my dear husband in the purity of his 
patriotism be carried into effect, the salary shall most 
sacredly be appropriated to the doing justice to the extraor- 

* Nephew of President William Henry Harrison — Eds. 


dinary talents of my son Gregory, by giving him every 
advantage of education, that he may prove worthy of his 
father and his illustrious benefactor, to the education of 
my other children, and the hiring a few hands to cultivate 
Rosewell to enable me to live decently. The children of M r . 
Page by his first lady are all in easy circumstances (particu- 
larly M r . Francis Page), except one, a widow daughter, M". 
Smith, whom I shall think it my duty to consider as my 

And now, revered Sir, would I pray your pardon for 
my long intrusion on your inestimable time, did I not 
know your ear was ever open and your heart feeling at- 
tentive to the concerns of every human being, the heirs 
alike of Sorrow, Pain, and Death. 

With every sentiment of the most perfect respect, 
friendship, and gratitude, I am, dear Sir, with heartfelt 
homage, Your greatly obliged, 

Margaret Page. 


Washington, Nov. 22, 08. 

Dear Sir, — I inclose a letter from Jefferson to Ellen 
which I presume will inform the family of his health. I 
sent for your perusal last week a letter from Dr. Wistar, 
strongly urging his attendance on the chemical lectures. 
We had supposed, you know, that it would be best for him 
to confine himself, while at Philadelphia, to those branches 
of science for which that place has peculiar advantages, 
that is to say, anatomy, natural history, & botany, & even 
to add a course of surgery, as entirely subordinate to the 
others and merely as a convenient acquisition for a 
country gentleman. These would give him two lectures 
a day through the week, which I thought would be as 
much as he could digest. However, as Dr. Wistar placed 
his attendance on the chemical lectures on the footing of 


his having time enough, & so did Mr. Peale also, & the 
lectures were beginning, I consented to it if you should 
not object. For a scientific man in a town nothing can 
furnish so convenient an amusement as chemistry, because 
it may be pursued in his cabinet ; but for a country gentle- 
man I know no source of amusement & health equal to 
botany & natural history, & I should think it unfortunate 
for such an one to attach himself to chemistry, altho' the 
general principles of the science it is certainly well to 

Congress has as yet come to no resolution indicative of 
their dispositions. But to-morrow the ground work will 
be laid by two resolutions : 1. That the violations of our 
rights by the belligerents ought not to be submitted to. 2. 
That all intercourse with the belligerent powers & their de- 
pendancies be suspended. This will leave the question of war 
or embargo uncommitted, and perhaps it will be thought 
best not to decide between them till near the close of the 
session. It is thought very doubtful how they would de- 
cide it at present, many believing there is a majority for 
war. This party will perhaps lose ground by time, and 
especially as a suggestion has been made to make another 
effort by offering categorically to both belligerents to elect 
between a repeal of their edicts & war, tightening the em- 
bargo in the mean time. This idea, however, is as yet only 
in embryo. My sincere affections attend on my dear 

Martha, yourself, & the children. 

Th: Jefferson. 

Mr. Randolph. 


Washington, Nov. 26, 08. 

Dear Sir, — Your favor of the 22 d is recieved, & that 
to Jefferson forwarded. I have made it the occasion of 

* Husband of Jefferson's eldest grandchild, Anne Cary, daughter of Thomas Mann and 
Martha (Jefferson) Randolph. Mrs. Bankhead was born in January, 1790, and died Feb- 
ruary 11, 1826, less than five months before the death of her father. — Eds. 


advising him to avoid the subject of politics in society, 
and generally indeed to shun disputation on every subject, 
which never did convince an antagonist, and too often 
alienates a friend, besides being always an uneasy thing 
to a good-humored society. Your letter does not tell me 
whether Anne & yourself are well, but I presume it because 
you have written, & she is about to write. I recieve 
with great pleasure your assent to my proposition of con- 
tubernation until the population of the hive shall force a 
swarm, or the crowd of clients call for & afford a separate 
establishment. I shall be at home about the middle of 
April, & were it not that I must proceed on the track of 
my caravan, which will be on the road, I would cross at 
Boyd's Hole, & take you up at Portroyal, and have the 
pleasure of paying my respects to your father & family, 
and of assuring them of the happiness I shall ever have in 
their visits to our hive. But you must do me the favor 
to assure them of this, & I must pursue the caravan to 
keep up stragglers and prevent the season of planting 
from getting ahead of me. 

We are all politics here. Of the three alternatives, sub- 
mission & tribute is scouted by three-fourths from the 
heart, & by the other fourth from the teeth outwards. Of 
the other two, embargo & war, the l 8t . will probably pre- 
vail as yet, & the final decision between them be kept off 
to near the close of the session, when the season would 
admit of action. The odds and ends of different factions, 
which make up the schismatic fourth, will give their 
weight to whatever proposition leads to war with France 
& submission to England. You will see that one of them 
has already proposed the former. Assure my dear Anne 
of my constant love, & accept yourself my most friendly 

Th: Jefferson. 

C. L. Bankiiead. 



New York, Dec'. 2 d , 1808. 

Sir, — Is it presuming too far on your indulgence to 
hope that you will recall to remembrance a person who 
has for many years past been deprived of the pleasure oi; 
conversing with you ? As it is much more natural to for- 
get benefits conferred than received, I can easily imagine 
I may have escaped your recollection, whilst I must ever 
retain the most lively impressions of gratitude for the kind- 
ness & affection which charmed my infancy under your 
roof & which has sometimes honored my latter years by 
your obliging enquiries. 

M r . Cruger will have the honor of presenting you this. 
I need not, Sir, assure you of my desire to have availed 
myself of this occasion of offering you my respects in per- 
son ; he will tell you that I had it in serious contemplation 
to perform the journey, but the season & my present state 
of health forbid this satisfaction. It is one of the sad pre- 
rogatives of our sex to be surrounded with so much care 
and prudence as to oblige us generally to forego our incli- 
nations, & I own I am not a little disappointed at the 
failure of this agreeable project. 

The object of M r . Cruger's visit is of the highest im- 
portance to our interests, & to you, Sir, we must address 
our hopes & wishes. We have a very considerable estate 
in Santa Cruz, which in consequence of the Embargo is 
now suffering for supplies ; the impossibility of furnishing 
them & consequently of receiving the produce will be a 
loss of such magnitude as will most essentially injure our 
fortune. There are also due to us in the island debts to a 
considerable amount, which the present state of affairs 
has rendered impossible to collect. These considerations, 
therefore, impose the necessity of repairing there imme- 
diately with a sufficient cargo to supply the estate & the 


means of bringing home our property. From you, Sir, 
alone we can obtain a permission so important to our for- 
tune at this moment, & I trust that the urgent reasons we 
offer will convince your judgment, whilst the embarrass- 
ment of our present situation will be too forcible an appeal 
to your indulgence to be resisted. I need not add that 
this favor will be received with the most heartfelt grat- 
itude ; the influence it will have on our welfare is so great 
that the debt of obligation never will be cancelled. 

I hope to hear, Sir, that your health is perfectly good, & 
that in retiring from the cares of public life your prospects 
of happiness are such as your friends can desire. I must 
entreat you to remember me particularly to M rs Randolph ; 
my father & mother present their best com pt8 & wishes. 
Adieu, Sir ; permit me to offer you the assurance of my 
respectful regards & the particular esteem with which I 
have the honor to remain very much your's, 

Catharine Cruger. 


Washington, Dec. 8, 08. 

My dear Anne, — Your letter of Nov. 26 came safely 
to hand, and in it the delicious flower of the Acacia, or 
rather the Mimosa Nilotica, from Mr. Lomax. The mother 
tree of full growth which I had when I gave him the 
small one, perished from neglect the first winter I was 
from home. Does his produce seed ? If it does I will 
thank him for some, and you to take care of them ; altho' 
he will think it a vain thing at my time of life to be 
planting a tree of as slow a growth. In fact the Mimosa 
Nilotica & Orange are the only things I have ever pro- 
posed to have in my green house. I like much your 
choice of books for your winter's reading. Middleton's 
Life of Cicero is anions; the most valuable accounts we 
have of the period of which he writes ; & Tacitus I con- 


sider as the first writer in the world without a single 
exception. His book is a compound of history & morality 
of which we have no other example. In your arithmetic, 
if you keep yourself familiar with the 4 elementary opera- 
tions of addition, subtraction, multiplication, & division, 
or rather of addition & division, because this last includes 
subtraction & multiplication, it is as much as you will 
need. The rule of three, of universal utility, is a thing 
of meer common-sense ; for if one yard of cloth costs 
3 dollars, common-sense will tell you that 20 yards will 
cost 20 multiplied by 3. I inclose you a letter from Jef- 
ferson, which I presume will inform you he is well. Pre- 
sent my respects to Mr. Bankhead, and the good family 
you are with ; also to my antient & intimate friend Mr. 
Lomax when you have the opportunity. To yourself my 
affectionate love. 

Th : Jefferson. 

M rs Bankhead. 


Washington, Dec. 13, 08. 

Dear Sir, — Jefferson wrote to me a few days ago to 
know whether he had ever had the smallpox, & added 
that till he could learn that fact he kept himself from the 
anatomical dissections, by advice of D r . Wistar. I wrote 
him that I thought I recollected that he & Anne were 
inoculated in Eichmond under your eye, but that I was 
not quite certain. Will you be so good as to give the 
answer by return of post that he may not lose the benefit 
of the dissections longer than necessary. We received 
last night the votes of N. York : 13 for Madison, as 
President, & Clinton, V. P. ; 6 for Clinton, President, 
3 Madison, V. P., and 3 Monroe, V. P. I inclose you 2 
extra papers with the news from Europe. The inferences 
drawn from this information are that Bonaparte has set- 
tled every thing amicably in the North, that peace between 


Russia & Sweden will be the consequence of their armis- 
tice, & probably the exclusion of England from the Baltic, 
& that Bonaparte will be left to execute his murderous 
purposes on Spain & Portugal at his leisure. 

Here every thing is still uncertain. There is a sincere 
wish to take off the embargo before Congress rises, pre- 
vailing with everybody but the Federalists, who (notwith- 
standing their clamours) it is perfectly known would 
deprecate it as their greatest calamity. The difficulty is 
how to separate the belligerents so as to have trade with 
one while we have war with the other ; because a war 
with both continues the embargo in effect, with war added 
to it. Perhaps time may be taken till early in summer 
to get a repeal of edicts by one party, and Congress meet 
in May or June to declare war against the other. But 
this is conjectural. My love to my dear Martha & the 
young ones, and affectionate attachment to yourself. 

Th : Jefferson. 

T. M. Randolph. 


Washington, Jan. 2, 09. 

Dear Sir, — The general mind of Congress seems now 
to be rallying to a certain course of proceeding. A bill 
will be brought in to-morrow for convening; Congress 
about the middle of May. It will be of course that in the 
debate members will declare the intention to be then to 
take off the embargo & if the belligerent edicts be not 
repealed to issue letters of marque & reprisal. This will 
let Europe see that our purpose is war, while not express- 
ing it authoritatively. It will not engage their pride to 
persevere ; at the same time it would quiet our own people 
by letting them see the term when the embargo is to 
cease. It had been thought that this would suffice to 
keep every thing quiet, but the monarchists of the North 
(who have been for some time fostering the hope of separ- 


ation) have been able to make so successful use of the 
embargo as to have federalized the S. Eastern States & to 
endanger N. York, and they mean now to organize their 
opposition by the regular powers of their State govern- 
ments. The Massachusets legislature, which is to meet 
the middle of this month, it is believed, will call a con- 
vention to consider the question of a separation of the 
Union, & to propose it to the whole country east of the 
North River, & they are assured of the protection of Gr. 
Br. Their Republican members think that, if we will fix 
by law a day when the embargo shall cease (as some day 
in June), that this will satisfy so great a portion of their 
people as to remove the danger of a convention. This 
will probably be consented to with an addition that letters 
of marque & reprisal shall issue the same day. But they 
are apprehensive this addition may defeat the effect hoped 
from the repeal of the embargo. We must save the 
Union ; but we wish to sacrifice as little as possible of 
the honor of the nation. But our difficulties do not end 
here ; for if war takes place with England, we have no 
security that she will not offer neutrality & commerce to 
N. England, & that the latter will not accept it. In the 
mean time it is possible that England may be wrought upon, 
1, by the documents published at the meeting of Congress 
which prove our fair conduct towards both countries, 
which she had affected not to believe ; 2, by the determina- 
tion of the Presidential election ; 3, by the failure, so far, 
of expected insurrections in Massachusets ; 4, by the course 
of affairs in Spain, where there can be little doubt that 
Joseph is re-enthroned before this day. Parts of the 
country will hold out for a while, but the ultimate issue 
must very soon be visible. If these things have the effect 
they ought to have on a rational government they will 
prevent a war with us. The non-intercourse law will be 
past. This is a summary view of our present political 


I recieved yesterday a letter from Martha, inclosing the 
one which I now return. The request of Mr. Stith is im- 
possible. We left to the delegates of every State to name 
all the officers for their State, so that there is not a single 
vacancy. She also desired me to return Moultrie's letter, 
but that has been necessarily filed in the war office. Mr. 
Moultrie is placed on the list of Cadets at West Point, but 
cannot be called into service till the spring, when he will 
recieve a call. This answer you can give him. Nothing 
stands in the way of Mr. Hackley but the continuance of 
an old servant of the public in the place. I think it 
probable he will resign ; I am sure he would have done 
it had Mr. Hackley had the prudence to cultivate his 
friendship. He was led astray by Meade, & now discov- 
ering Meade's views on the office, I suspect they are 
separated. Mr. Madison will, however, be equally ready 
to accept Yznardi's resignation & appoint Mr. Hackley 
his successor. 

Accept my affectionate salutations, & convey the same 
to my ever dear Martha & the young ones. 

Th : Jefferson. 

P. S. A letter of Dec. 28, from Jefferson, informs me 
he was well. 

T. M. Randolph. 


Washington, Jan. 19, 09. 

Dear Sir, — I have waited till I could execute Anne's 
commission as to the seed of the ice-plant, before ac- 
knoleging the receipt of her letter of Dec. 19 and your's 
of the 20 th . I now inclose the seed, in the envelope of a 
pamphlet for Doct r . Bankhead's acceptance. The case of 
Whistelo belongs to the physician, altho' here presented 


as a case of law. I do not suppose, however, it will add 
to his knolege as a physician, or to your's as a lawyer, 
but it may amuse you both. 

Altho' Congress has passed no bill which indicates their 
course, except the amendatory embargo bill, yet I think 
their minds are substantially made up, to meet in May 
with the avowed intention of then ending the embargo, 
& of issuing letters of marque & reprisal against the 
nations which shall have decrees against our rightful com- 
merce then existing. About minor & preparatory meas- 
ures there is difference of opinion, but on this none except 
from the Federalists, the Apostates, & 2 or 3 honest Re- 
publicans from the South, who (these last I mean) wish to 
try the embargo till the fall. In the mean time the dis- 
quietude in the North is extreme, & we are uncertain what 
extent of conflagration a spark might occasion. A line 
seems now to be drawing between the really republican 
Federalists & the English party, who are devoted, soul & 
body, to England & monarchy. There are circumstances 
which render it not entirely unexpected that England will 
repeal her decrees. This alone can save us from war in 
May. By that time, we hope, the militia or volunteers 
called for will be in readiness. I am now engaged in 
packing & breaking up my establishment here. I sup- 
pose I shall be detained to the middle of March. Mr 
Lomax writes me he has given Anne a small plant of the 
Acacia for me, with which I hope I shall meet you both 
at Monticello in March. I salute you both with great 

Th : Jefferson. 

C. L. Bankhead, Esq. 



Washington, Jan. 31, 09. 

Dear Sir, — I recieved in due time your kind letter of 
the 20 th . Certainly I shall be much pleased to recieve 
your aid & counsel in the management of my farms, which 
will become so essential. My whole life has been past in 
occupations which kept me from any minute attention to 
them, and finds me now w T ith only very general ideas of 
the theory of agriculture, without actual experience ; at a 
time of life too when the memory is not so retentive of 
observation as at an earlier period. The tracts of land 
which I proposed to you to endeavor to sell are such as 
can be of little use to our family. I have acquired or kept 
them to furnish timber, but I am certain I never got an 
half per cent on their value in a year yet. A property 
yielding so little profit had better be sold and converted 
into more profitable form, and none can be more profit- 
able, that is, yield so much happiness, as the paiment of 
debts, which are an unsufferabie torment. Sharp and Cren- 
shaw, who live near Pouncey's, told me they would rather 
undertake to crop on that land than on the best red land 
you or myself possessed. If you could find a purchaser, 
therefore, it might be at a price that might remove some 
more pressing calls. Perhaps the owner of Colle would 
buy the tract adjoining that. They can never be put to 
a better use, or one so pleasing to me, as in relieving your 
more valuable property from calls, and whether they go 
to pay your debts or mine is perfectly equal to me, as I 
consider our property as a common stock for our joint 

The bill for the meeting of Congress on the 4*? Monday 
of May is past. The resolution of Mr. Nicholas for re- 
pealing the embargo & issuing letters of marque & reprisal 
on a [blank] clay was taken up yesterday. The impa- 


tience of the people to the eastward has had a sensible 
effect on the minds of Congress. John Randolph moved 
to strike out the [blank day of blank] and insert immedi- 
ately. This was rejected. He meant an immediate re- 
moval of the embargo, and to strike out the substitute 
of letters of marque & reprisal. Three days have been 
proposed for the blank, Feb. 15, Mar. 4, & June 1. The 
question will be between the two last. I rather expect 
the I s * of June will be preferred, but it is doubtful even 
now, and the sentiment of the legislature is obviously ad- 
vancing on account of the discontents to the eastward. 
On these it is difficult to pronounce an opinion. A for- 
cible opposition to the embargo laws may be expected ; 
perhaps it will be countenanced by their legislature de- 
claring the law unconstitutional. It is believed they will 
call a convention of the Eastern States, and perhaps pro- 
pose separation. The time which this will take, will defeat 
the measure, by the expiration of the laws which is the 
ostensible ground of the procedure. With the Essex Junto 
it is ostensible only. Separation & annexation to England 
is their real object. But not so with the people, or even 
the real Federalists of the prominent kind. If we can 
avoid deeds of force on the land (in the execution of the 
law) the difficulty may pass over. But I do not think 
even that certain. I am not certain that if war be com- 
menced against England, they will not accept neutrality & 
commerce if offered by England. Thus we are placed be- 
tween the alternatives of abandoning our rights on the 
ocean, or risking a severance of the Union. My ultimate 
hope is in the good sense of the body of the people to the 
eastward who will think more dispassionately when the 
final question is proposed to them. My tender love to my 
dear Martha & the young ones, and affectionate saluta- 
tions to yourself. 

Th : Jefferson. 



Philadelphia, July 6 th , 1809. 

Sir, — I have the pleasure to inform you that the people 
of Passamaquodcly are now furnished with a new object of 
pursuit, gold finding. There was yesterday brought to the 
Mint, as a deposit, part of a grain or lump of native gold, 
weighing 14 oz. 7^grs., which was lately found by a little 
boy, on Soward's Neck Beach, in the town(ship) of East- 
port, near the mouth of the bay. This piece of gold when 
assayed was found to be 22 c. 0| gr. fine, or a little better 
than the U. S. or British standard. The alloy was nearly 
or altogether silver. It contained about 1J per cent, of 
white quartz with which mineral native gold is frequently 
found united. 

The piece when found, we are informed in a letter from 
a M r . Stephen Jones of that place, weighed 2 lb. 3| oz. It 
is observed by M r . Jones that the bank adjoining that part 
of the beach on which the piece of gold was found, is 
washed away several feet every year, and thus, no doubt, 
was the piece left bare on the surface of the beach. 

These gifts of Providence have, indeed, been frequently 
the occasions of evil rather than of good to men, thro the 
eagerness which too many manifest to obtain gold ^t first 
hand, without the intermediate steps of honest labour in 
the ordinary pursuits of life. But still the discovery of 
this precious metal in different and distant parts of the 
U. States must be considered as important, especially as 
it regards the natural history of our country. 

I have the honour to be, with sentiments of the greatest 
respect & esteem, 

Your obedient servant, 

R T Patterson. 

* Robert Patterson was born in Ireland May 30, 17-13, and died in Philadelphia, July 22, 
1824. In 1779 he became Professor of Mathematics in the University of Pennsylvania; 
this office he filled for thirty-five years. In 1805 he was appointed by Jefferson Director of 
the Mint, and he continued its chief executive officer down to his last illness. See Apple- 
ton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. iv. pp. 672, 673. — Eds. 

1810.] WILLIAM PLUMER. 137 

I take this opportunity of returning you my most grate- 
ful thanks for your kind letters of introduction in favour 
of my son Robert.* He left the capes of Delaware in the 
ship Pekin, on the 18 th of last month. 


Epping (N. H.), April 27, 1810. 

My dear Sir, — When I had the honor of communicat- 
ing to you, at the city of Washington, my intention of 
compiling the history of our country from its discovery 
by Columbus to the present time, you was pleased to as- 
sure me that after your presidential term should expire, 
you would transmit me a number of manuscript & other 
documents in your possession, in relation to the great 
events in which you have been so distinguished an actor. 
All my leisure hours are devoted to collecting & arrang- 
ing materials for my history. I consider it as the prin- 
cipal object of my future life. And any document or 
information you may please to communicate will be grate- 
fully acknowledged. 

Permit me, though late, but sincerely, to congratulate 
you on the success of Republicanism in this State in the 
last month's elections. The Governor & a majority of the 
Council, Senate, & House of Representatives are real Repub- 
licans. Your & my worthy friend, John Langdon, is 

* Dr. Robert M. Patterson (born in Philadelphia, March 23, 3787; died there Sept. 5, 
1854), graduated at the University of Pennsylvania in 1804, spent two years in Paris in 
study, and completed his education in London. On his return home, in 1812, he was 
chosen Professor of Natural Philosophy, Chemistry, and Mathematics in the University of 
Pennsylvania; and from 1828 to 1835 he occupied a similar chair in the Universitj' of 
Virginia. In the latter year he was appointed Director of the Mint, which office he held 
until 1851. See Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. iv. p. 673. — Eds. 

t William Plumer was born in Newburyport, Mass., June 25, 1759, removed to New 
Hampshire at an early age, and died in Epping, June 22, 1850. He was a member of the 
United States Senate from 1802 to 1807, aDd Governor of New Hampshire 1812-1816, and 
again in 1817-18. His intended History of the United States was not completed; but he 
wrote largely for the newspapers, and at his death left a great mass of printed and manu- 
script matter of historical value. See Plumer's Life of William Plumer. — Eds. 


governor-elect. To effect these elections, I devoted two 
months of ray time in writing for the public journals ; & 
it affords me much satisfaction that my labours were not 
in vain, though it diverted too much of my time from my 
historical pursuits. 

The governor & lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts 
will be Republicans ; but I fear a majority of their senate 
will be Federal, their representatives are not yet elected. 
The Rhode Island elections have terminated highly favour- 
able in all the branches of their government. 

This encrease of Republicanism in the Eastern States 
must afford at this eventful era great satisfaction to every 
friend to our Republican institutions ; k certainly to [no ?] 
one more than to yourself, who have devoted so large a 
portion of your active life in their formation, support, & 

I am, with sentiments of much respect and esteem, Sir, 
Your most obedient humble servant, 

William Plumer. 

Hon. TnoMAS Jefferson, Monticello, Virginia. 


Liverpool, June 19, 10. 

Dear Sir, — You will be surprized at receiving a letter 
from me from this place. I did not contemplate being 
here & still less being in Europe as late as this. My very 
great anxiety to be again in America to attend to some 

* William Short was born in Spring Garden, Va., Sept. 30, 1759, graduated at William 
and Mary College, and died in Philadelphia, Dec. 5, 1849. When Jefferson was appointed 
minister to France in 1785, Short accompanied him as Secretary of Legation, and was made 
charge - d'affaires, in September, 1789. In January, 1792. he was transferred to the Hague 
as resident minister, and in December of the same year he was sent to Spain to assist in 
negotiating a treaty with that country. In May, 1794, he was made minister resident. 
Shortly after the signing of the treaty in October, 1795, he returned to this country, and 
was not afterward in public life. See Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. v. 
p. 51G ; Lannian's Biographical Annals, p. 385. — Eds. 

1810.] WILLIAM SHORT. 139 

of my affairs which required something to be immediately 
done, as the friend with whom I left my power to repre- 
sent me at Philadelphia, M r Breck, had died without 
naming a substitute, & M r Butler, who had my power for 
N. York had come to Europe, & it was necessary to pro- 
ceed there against a bankrupt whose affairs were so in- 
volved that although I had a mortgage to secure a very 
large debt to me, I was advised that a suit was urgent, &c, 
&c. There appeared to me at that time little certainty of 
a conveyance direct from France in April, the earliest 
season at which I chose to embark. The J. Adams was 
in England & expected to sail early in March without fail ; 
the only other vessel which had any chance of returning 
was a vessel that had arrived at La Rochelle with passen- 
gers & to return again in the same way. It was then 
under a seizure by the Douane, & uncertain in the then 
state of things whether it w d . be liberated, & if liberated 
would be extremely crowded. As at that time there 
was no other vessel (the [illegible] has since arrived 
at L'Orient, as I have heard), but none were expected 
when I took my determination to come by this country, 
as the most certain & the most immediate course. From 
France to England by means of the licensed vessels the 
communication is as safe & as convenient as possible. I 
came in a vessel of 400 tons from Dieppe, & indeed com- 
merce was never busier or safer or more advantageous to 
the concerned between these two belligerents than now. 
They have contrived to shove the neutrals out of place & 
occupy it. " Ote toi, que je my mette," was said to be the 
basis of the Revolution, & it is kept up in this respect. 
The owner of the ship in which I came was on board & 
very much amused at this state of things as to commerce, 
& admired the Emperor's talents & scavoir faire in mak- 
ing it penal in other countries to furnish England with 
any thing in order that his own subjects might have the 
exclusive benefit of it. " Ma foi, messieurs les neutres ont 


assez joui au depens d'autrui. II n'est que trop juste que 
chacun ait son tour." " lis ont a qui parler a present. 
L'Empreur leur fera bien rendre gage, je vous en reponds." 
This owner was an amiable, sprightly woman of about 
thirty, at the head of a considerable mercantile house 
in Normandy, & a most agreeable compagne de voyage. 
Although her doctrine would not stand the test of the ob- 
solete droit de gens, & of which she cared as little as she 
knew, yet it was the doctrine & the practice of the day. 
I beg pardon for troubling you with this squint at poli- 
tics. I am sure you are still more wearied with that kind 
of subject than I am. I w T as scarcely a party concerned 
during my late residence in America. I apprehend, from 
a few scattering American papers that I have seen, that I 
shall not be allowed the same tranquillity again. I see 
they represent me as wishing to put my country under the 
vassalage of a foreign power, which is so diametrically 
opposite to the truth that I was cautioning my govern- 
ment against the influence of that power eighteen years 
ago, & endeavoring to remove their delusion as to it when 
these very gentry were perhaps drinking, carousing, & 
throwing their hats up in the air to celebrate the triumphs 
of that very power,* & from that time to this I most 
certainly have never, by word or deed, given the least 
reason to believe that my sentiments had changed in that 
respect. As I have never been & hope I never shall be 
of any party, I have been of course considered as the 
enemy of each, upon the principle that he who is not for 
me is against me. It is surely a mortifying thing to have 
been in the hands of such a set ; but as to me, who am 
only an individual & shall soon pass, it is of no conse- 
quence, but I feel & am ashamed for my poor country 
to be governed by such animals as the virtuous & moral 
D r . . . , the wise & disinterested . . . , & the honest 

* One of the moat violent of these gentry against me told me that when he landed in 
France from England in '94 (the reign of Koberspierre), he had kissed the earth to hail it as 
the land of liberty, & this man now chnses to abuse me as a partisan, &c. ! 

1810.] WILLIAM SHORT 141 

Republican. . . * I have long ago foretold that, from the 
nature of things, intrigue, baseness, & deception would, 
by degrees, gain more & more ground & finally triumph. 
I shall consider myself hereafter as a mere looker-on. I 
really pity M r M. He does not know the wheel within 
the wheel on which they roll him, & from which they will 
let him down whenever they have no further need of him. 
If he knew what I could tell him he would be mortified ; 
but I do not believe that he would or could remedy any 
thing. It is therefore as well for him not to know it. 
"Where ignorance is bliss, &c, &c." From me he shall 
never know it. I hope that our government will continue 
to secure two of the great objects of government, security 
of persons & security of property. In these times it is 
what very few governments do ; & therefore as a moder- 
ate man I shall be contented with that & ask no more, 
& meerly look on whilst the country at large allows the 
spoils of power to be contended for by the active & am- 
bitious, & votes them to the most fortunate in intrigue & 
the most criminal in their conduct. 

But to return to my voyage. I came to this country 
to embark on the April packet. I unfortunately was 
induced to give up that idea under the opinion of my 
friends that I should be much better in a merchant 
vessel. I came here to embark in one finally which 
held out every advantage in prospect, but the whole 
turned out a complete deception. Such as were then 
here were small & indifferent vessels. Since the renewal 
of intercourse numberless very fine ones have arrived, & 
I shall embark in the first of them which shall sail. 
Although I shall lose much as to season I shall gain more, 
it is thought, as to accomodation. M r Erving, who takes 
charge of a letter for the President, in w ch this will be 
inclosed, is more pressed & a good sailor. He takes his 

* Mr. Short did not write out the names of the persons to whom he referred, and their 
identity can only be conjectured. — Eds. 


passage in a small despatch-vessel that will sail in a day or 
two & will have probably a very quick passage. I shall not 
sail until the middle or perhaps end of July. I go to pass 
the interval in excursions into the country & to Buxton 
or some other watering-place, & to see some English races. 

I ask the favor of you to receive the inclosed papers, 
being ten certificates for $14651.76° of 3 p. ct stock which 
I had purchased in London by way of remitting that 
sum to America, & the powers for transferring them. 
The papers are : 1°, Extract legalized from the Registry 
of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury. 2°, Power of 
attorney from the Exec rs . of Hilbert to Smith to sell 
the funds. 3°, Power of att y . in blank from Smith for 
transferring the stock to me, to which are annexed the 
ten original certificates. It will be necessary to fill the 
blank with the name of some person at Washington, 
that they may by the transfer to me there obtain a new 
certificate in my name. I wish this to be clone & the 
stock to be transferred to the books at Philadelphia for 
me. I would not have given you this trouble if I had 
been sure of M r Barnes, or D r Tucker or M r Nourse being 
still there, but I know no other of whom I could ask it. 
I will thank you to send these papers to any one there you 
may think proper. They have only to put their name as 
is usual in the blank of the power, & then transfer the 
certificates to me, & ask that the amount (in one certifi- 
cate if it can be done) may be placed for me on the books 
at Philadelphia. It is necessary that this should be done 
as soon as possible, & essential that it should be done be- 
fore the middle of Sep fc , otherwise the \ interest due the 
l 8t of October cannot be paid to me but must be paid 
to the present holder, in whose name the certificates now 
stand on the books at Washington. I will thank you 
to desire whomever you may employ at Washington to 
send the new certificate (as soon as it can be got at 
Washington) to M r George Taylor, J r ., 2 l Street, Phila- 


delphia, who will have it placed on the books there, & 
where it will then stand in my name. But it must be 
there before the books of transfer close in Sep tr . These 
funds proceed from what I had purchased in the French 
funds when they were low. I left them there when I 
went to America, & on my return to France they had 
risen so much that they sold for a great advance on what 
I gave for them, & then the exchange from Paris on Lon- 
don gained at the time that the bills were purchased for 
me 20 p ct . — the exchange had been even to 25. This is 
one of the numberless unaccountable phenomena in the 
commercial world at present, where the practise turns out 
almost invariably contrary to what appeared the best 
theory. The most able calculators here acknowlege this. 
They content themselves with the fact with which they 
have every reason to be satisfied, & leave the explana- 
tion to those who chuse to undertake it. This is a much 
longer letter than I had intended to send you. I will, 
however, end it here, & add only my best wishes for your 
& your family's health & happiness. 

Your friend & servant, 

W. Short. 


Monticello, July 15, 10. 

Dear Sir, — I again trouble you with letters from Mr. 
Bradbury to his friends in England. He is a botanist & 

* William Pinkney, eminent both as a lawyer and statesman, was born in Annapolis, 
Md., March 17, 1764. His first purpose was to become a physician, but he afterward de- 
termined to adopt the law as a profession, and was admitted to the bar in 1786. Ten years 
later he was appointed one of the commissioners under Jay's treaty, to determine the claims 
of American merchants for losses occasioned by acts of the English government. He 
remained in England until 1804, and in the following year he was appointed Attorney 
General of Maryland. In 1806 he was again sent to England to treat with the English 
government as joint commissioner with Mr. Monroe; and after Mr. Monroe's return he was 
made resident minister, which post he filled until 1811. Subsequently he was Attorney 
General of the United States, a member of the House of Representatives, minister to Russia 
and special envoy to Naples, and member of the Senate from 1819 to his death at Wash- 
ington, Feb. 25, 1822. (See Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol v. p. 26; 
Lanman's Biographical Annals, p. 337.) Jefferson has inadvertently written the name 
Pinckney. — Eds. 


naturalist of high qualifications & merit, and is now en- 
gaged in exploring Upper Louisiana. I feel a real interest 
in his pursuits, the result of which so far is communicated 
in some of these letters. On politics I have little to say, 
and little need be said to you who are better informed 
from another quarter. You will have seen that Massa- 
chusets, N. Hampshire, & R. island have got back to the 
ground which a temporary delusion induced them to quit 
for a moment. Unfortunately it was a moment decisive 
of our destiny. I speak of that which produced a repeal 
of the embargo. Considerable discontent was certainly 
excited in Massachusets, but it's extent was magnified in- 
finitely beyond it's reality, and an intrigue of (I believe) 
not more than two or three members, reputed Republicans, 
excited in Congress a belief that we were under the alter- 
native of civil war or a repeal of the embargo, and the 
embargo was repealed. Thus were we driven by treason 
among ourselves from the high & wise ground we had 
taken, and which, had it been held, would have either 
restored us our free trade, or have established manufac- 
tures among us. The latter object will still be obtained, 
at least as to household manufacture, which is more than 
the half in value of what we have heretofore recieved 
from abroad. But the imprudent adventures of our mer- 
chants have put into the hands of the robbers by sea & 
land, much of the capital which the embargo had secured 
for emploiment in manufactures. I am supremely happy 
in being withdrawn from these turmoils, but cannot but 
interest myself for my friends still engaged in them, and 
wishing you all " a good deliverance," I beg leave to add 
to yourself the assurances of my friendly attachment & 
high respect. 

Th : Jefferson. 

H. E. William Pinckney. 

1810.] WILLIAM SHORT. 145 


Philadelphia, Nov. 1, 10. 

Dear Sir, — I have delayed, much longer than I had 
intended, to answer your favor of the 21 st Sep., & to thank 
you for your wonted kindness in attending to the com- 
mission I took the liberty of troubling you with. It was 
executed as you expected & ready for me here, whither I 
came after whiling away the sickly season in the Jersey 
& at Morrisville, which you know is become the seat of 
Gen 1 Moreau.* I have returned to fix myself permanently 
in America, & with that view have transferred hither the 
property I had in France, where I once purposed residing. 
The circumstance which would have made that residence 
indispensable, I wished many years ago to abandon from 
a full conviction that it would not have produced the hap- 
piness contemplated. I was not at liberty, however, to 
follow my own ideas until the same conviction could be 
wrought in the mind of each party concerned. This hap- 
pily has been done by time & reflexion, so as to leave 
unimpaired the ties of perfect & long established friend- 
ship. It is acknowledged that the sacrifice of country is 
too great to be asked under present circumstances. Many 
of the charms of that country are now lost, however, for 
its ancient inhabitants, their situation, their society, & 
their ancient habits are more changed than can be im- 
agined, by the present state of things. Strange as it may 
appear, I found them much more dissatisfied now (although 
really their property & their persons are more secure or 
less insecure) than under the Directory, even in its worst 
times, when there was U emp runt force, la Loi des Otages, 
&c. At that time they all suffered alike, & were perfectly 

* Jean Victor Moreau, the victorious commander at Hohenlinden, born at Morlaix, in 
Britany, August 11, 17(53, died at Laun, in Bohemia, September 2, 1813, was exiled to the 
United States in 1804, and remained here until June, 1813, when he returned to France. 
See Nouvelle Biographie Generale, tome xxxvi. pp. 483-495. — Eds. 



separated from the government. At present Bonaparte, 
by bribing some members of some families & by forcing 
others to put on his livery, has divided them among 
themselves & has made families formerly the most united, 
now the most divided, introduced reserve, suspicion, envy, 
& hatred among them. There is no doubt, if he should 
live the 30 years which he threatens to do, that he will 
subdue the pride of all, & although he will not gain their 
hearts, he will make thein as generally, & much more 
basely, courtiers than Louis the 14 th did. Like all par- 
venus he is susceptible & exacts much more (& will obtain 
all he exacts) than any of those sovereigns of that country 
who were called tyrants by those who are now the most 
shameless adulators of this meek, good soul whom they 
call the Father of his people. 

One cause of my delaying to answer your letter was 
that I had not fully made up mind whether I would 
enter with you on the subject of politics, & communicate 
through you the observations I had made. Reflexion, 
however, & the persuasion that it would do no good, to- 
gether with the possibility of its bringing me into contact 
or rather into opposition & collision when I wish to be 
quiet, make me resolve to keep out of the line of such 
things. I mean to end my days as tranquilly as I can & 
avoid the pelting of storms that I cannot direct. 

My present intention is to make Philadelphia my head 
quarters. A city is necessary to a single man, & I prefer 
this to our other cities. I shall travel in the summers until 
I procure a farm in some of the mountainous parts of this 
State, & make a merino establishment. If you have not 
forgotten what I wrote to you on that animal previous to 
my former return from France, you will see that I early 
estimated its value in this country, though far below what 
the practise has shown it to be. I stated then & I still 
think that the barren lands at the foot of your mountains 
were most admirably adapted to this purpose. I wish that 

1810.] WILLIAM SHORT. 147 

it may be found so & acted on & that I could sell Indian 
camp to some undertaker in that way. If you know of 
any means of disposing of it en gros ou en detail, or if 
M r Randolph should know of any, I should be glad to 
learn it. I have not heard a tittle from Price since I 
sailed. I see only by M r Geo. Jefferson's ace*, that he has 
made him some remittances, but I suppose the land has 
been injured to a greater value. I put this under your 
protection when I went away, but I fear that you have not 
been able to prevent the evils attendant on such cases. I 
shall write to Price & ask him to let me know the present 
state. I take it for granted that you are deriving great 
pleasure from agricultural pursuits. I hope you have 
some of the merino blood in your stock. It will give 
me great pleasure to go & see you & I will take the 
first opportunity of profiting of your kind invitation. I 
suppose you have M r Randolph & his family with you ; 
that I think was your intention. It will certainly be 
most agreeable for all parties. 

The Abbe Rochon requested me to be particular in 
speaking to you of him, so did the Abbe Morellet, M de de 
Tesse, & M de d'Houdetot ; the latter I saw again after my 
return, though I had ceased seeing her before my depart- 
ure. La Fayette remembers you with gratitude. He was 
to have sent me a letter here relative to his lands, &c, 
but I have not recieved it. I have a letter by Count Pahlen 
from M de de Tesse, in which she gives me an account of 
the Imperial wedding preparations. Sir Francis d'lvernois 
gave me a copy of his last work for you & another for M r 
Adams. # They were inclosed & directed by him in the 
form of a letter to each ; as I was detained at Liverpool, 
I forwarded these packets by a vessel which sailed before 
me. I hope you received yours. Have you seen a pamphlet 

* Francois d'lvernois was born in Geneva in 1757, and died there March 16, 1842. 
He was a voluminous writer on economical and historical subjects. See Nouvelle Bio- 
graphie Generale, tome xxvi. pp. 128-130. — Eds. 


written by a gentleman of this place ? It is without a 
name to it ; the title, " A Brief View of the Policy & 
Resources of the United States, comprising some Strictures 
on a Letter on the Genius &■ Dispositions of the French 
Government. " This latter part of the title, I believe, has 
prevented its being read, as it is like making Strictures on 
the Gospel. The u Brief View " has certainly many ex- 
cellent remarks in it, though like all human productions 
that relate to foreign countries, it has many errors also. 
The " Letter on the Genius, &c," is the pamphlet that has 
obtained so much celebrity in England, to which it is 
extremely flattering. 

You recollect our calculating, acute countryman D 1 . 
Parker, without doubt. He was engaged when I left 
him in giving an analysis of the British debt, & had 
gone through it with great labor. He had come to these 
results, which he communicated to me, & which may be 
counted on : 1°, That supposing the British government 
were to make no more loans, & to go on with the present 
taxes & present system of sinking the national debt, the 
whole would be extinguished in the year 1830, viz., in 
twenty years from this time ; 2 d , Supposing the present rate 
of taxes to be continued, without any augmentation what- 
ever, & the government to borrow 12 millions st lg a year, 
the whole debt (including the successive annual loans of 
12 millions), would be extinguished in the year, I think, 
of 1845, but certainly not many years beyond it. This 
was so different from what I had always expected myself, 
& heard said by others, that I know not how to credit it, 
notwithstanding my confidence in Parker & his penetrat- 
ing head in such cases. He gave me these results as it 
were under the rose, for such is the state of things where 
he is that he would be unwilling to be known as the author 
or discoverer of such a heresy, & he feels no disposition to 
act like Galileo in the support of this truth. Bonaparte 
has declared England is without a government & that the 

1810.] WILLIAM SHORT. 149 

nation is on the eve of bankruptcy, & this must therefore 
be supported as orthodox by every one who writes on the 
subject. On arriving in London I mentioned these results 
to A. Baring * (who has more accurate knowlege in this 
line, & a more steady & acute head than any one I saw), 
& asked his opinion as to the justness of these calcula- 
tions. His answer was that he could not say with precision 
whether the results were absolutely correct, but that cer- 
tainly the error, if any, could not be great. Baring, as 
you know, is decidedly in the opposition, & disposed to 
see things in opposition to the ministry. But he gave a 
better proof than his meer word of what his opinions were 
as to the solidity & manageability of the debt, for whilst 
I was in London he contracted for the loans, being the 
lowest bidder, & took the whole both for England & Ire- 
land on himself. The terms he took them on were lower 
than had ever been given since the commencement of 
the war. Thus it must be acknowleged that the French 
government is as much mistaken in supposing that the 
English is getting to its last guinea, as the English govern- 
ment is in supposing that the French is getting to its last 
conscript. Every succeeding year supplies the exhaust- 
men t of the preceding, & no one can say when the moment 
will come that either will be unable to continue the war 
as at present. 

My letter has grown far beyond the limits I had in- 
tended. I end in assuring you of the sentiments of attach- 
ment with I am most sincerely, 

Your friend & servant, 

W. Short. 

T take the liberty of inclosing an open letter for Price, 
which I ask the favor of you to read & forward to him. 

* Alexander Baring, first Baron Ashburton. — Eds. 



Philadelphia, Dec. 31, 10. 

Dear Sir, — I bad the pleasure of writing to you on 
the 1 st of Nov., & I took the liberty at the same time of 
inclosing a letter for Price, as being the best, if not the 
only certain means of getting a letter to him. I hope that 
was recieved by you, but it has not procured of Price the 
answer I had counted on. I had hoped it would have 
conquered his aversion to writing. After so long an 
interval, I no longer expect it, without a second jogging of 
his memory, & I would ask the favor of you to send for 
him & to desire him to give me the information I wish 
for, if I were not unwilling to add the trouble ; I therefore 
again subjoin a second summons for Price from myself. 
I feel now that I was wrong in having this estate sub- 
divided, as it multiplies trouble, & produces no profit, & 
probably injures the estate. In this, as in most other 
things that have come within my observation, & par- 
ticularly my experience, the practise contradicts the 

I saw M r Warden for a few minutes some days ago on 
his passing through this place to New York. He told 
me he had been to Monticello, & that you & your family 
were well. I learn always with great pleasure whatever 
thus contributes to your happiness. The life you at 
present lead I know to be so conformable to your taste 
that I do not doubt it will be long preserved, & insure 
you health & happiness. For this you have my most 
sincere k best wishes. As to myself, I stated in my last 
my reasons for passing the rest of the journey w ch . I am 
to continue on this earth, as a silent spectator of scenes 
which I am sure I could not prevent. I think I see how 
much ill might be avoided at least, if not much good 
effected. But I see with equal certainty that I could not 

1810.] WILLIAM SHORT. 151 

make others see it — or if perchance I could, they would 
not have the courage, perhaps not the power, to attempt 
it. The present state of things is too profitable, I appre- 
hend, to some of the concerned, for them to admit of a 
different course, & they are sine quibas non. In short, the 
affairs of this world are so generally under the manage- 
ment of fools, when left to a great number, that the 
inevitable consequence seems to be that knaves by de- 
grees learn the art & mystery of governing & directing 
affairs for their own benefit, by keeping out of sight & 
making the fools believe that they themselves are the 
only masters, — just as an intriguing wife cajoles a stupid 
husband, or as a practised courtier flatters & feeds on a 
weak monarch. It seems clear that we are to begin on 
the 2 d of Feb. a new course of non-intercourse with Eng- 
land. Time will shew all, & those who are acquainted 
with the present state of affairs in Europe, & particularly 
in England, have no need of time to know that this will 
lead to exactly the contrary of what is contemplated by 
our legislators. It will injure us much more than it will 
England, & it will give immense advantages of specu- 
lation to a few here at the expense of the rest. Thus the 
ambition as well as the avarice of these few (who, how- 
ever, only act for the public good & to coerce the tyrant 
of the seas) will be promoted ; & thus we shall see that 
instead of private vices being public benefits, public mis- 
fortunes will be private gains. The British possessions 
of Canada & Nova Scotia will receive premiums for their 
prosperity from our own laws ; the morality of our 
custom houses, which was proverbial, will be a vain 
name ; smugglers will be making & losing fortunes ; the 
honest merchant & the great mass will suffer, and when 
they have suffered enough under this experiment, their 
representatives will be forced to give it up, & either yield 
in toto or make some new trial. For even Bonaparte has 
found it impossible to carry into execution his laws 


against the purse & the prejudice of all ; how, then, can 
we suppose that those chosen by the great mass will 
be able to effect it ? And yet I have no doubt our 
legislators will make this experiment, judging from what 
I see in the papers. 

You did not tell me if you received Sir F. d'lvernois's 
pamphlet.* He addressed a copy to you & another to 
M r Adams. Have you seen a pamphlet of Oddy t (the 
writer on commerce) on the subject of canals, in which he 
states the late increase of the English American colonies, 
in shipping, & in the exportation of wood. You know, I 
suppose, the late law for nurturing this discovery. It is 
certainly right & moral in every government to endeavor 
to obtain what is just from others by peaceable means if 
they can, & the experiment which we made under that 
hope was fair & proper. The experiment failed ; it is of 
no consequence how it failed. Ought not experience to 
enlighten our legislators, & to prevent their persisting in 
what has failed ? This non intercourse is but a weaker 
effort — how can they hope to effect by it what the 
stronger could not effect ? As it is evident that they 
will not make war for those injuries of which they 
complain from G. B., nor for the grossest violations of a 
positive treaty with France, would it not be better if 
they would at once come to the open & candid determina- 
tion of allowing commerce, when out of our limits & out 
of their control, to shift for & protect itself ? I wrote to 
you on this subject whilst I was in France. I know not 
if you recieved my letter. It has been thought by some 
able men that this would be the best system for all 
governments. There can be no question, I think, that 

* See note, ante, p. 147. The. pamphlet here referred to is entitled, "Effects of the 
Continental Blockade upon the Commerce, Finances, Credit, and Prosperity of the British 
Islands." A copy, " The Gift of the Author," is in the library of this Society. —Eds. 

t J. Jepson Oddy, author of a quarto volume on European Commerce, published in 
1810 a pamphlet on the improvement of commercial, political, and local interests by internal 
navigation. — Ens. 

1810.] WILLIAM SHORT. 153 

there is no government & no circumstance to which it 
could be so applicable as to ours at present. If you think, 
so, I wish you would exert the force of your counsel to 
have the attempt now made. I doubt any thing being 
able to stop the present career of the present Congress, 
for the reason I mentioned ; but if the counsel of any 
individual could have weight, it certainly would be 

Genl. A. has gone to Washington.* I saw him on his 
way through here. I know not what are his plans or his 
views. I do not believe that those who are on the box, 
& who are driving M r M., will allow him to get on the 
box by the side of them. He, I should suppose, has more 
talent than they have, & if so they will be afraid to trust 
him there lest he should take the reins from them. 

I remember you thought three years ago that the 
charter of the Bank would be renewed. I was certain 
then that it would be opposed by some powerful individu- 
als. I judged of this from the nature of things — I know 
little of them — but I see nothing decided against their 
will, & therefore I did not think this would be. I sold 
the shares I had in the Bank for a much higher price 
than they now are at. I have no personal interest there- 
fore in the institution, but I am not the less anxious that 
the charter should be renewed, as I see clearly immense 
misfortunes, not only to the commercial but the agricul- 
tural & other classes, if there should be a sudden disso- 
lution on the 4 th of March next. There can be no doubt 
that the individual who is the most active & will have 
the most influence in preventing the renewal, & probably 
will prevent it, will himself suffer much loss & incon- 
venience also. What mode he has of indemnifying 
himself I know not. I look really with anxiety to the 
present session of Congress. I love my country, & be- 

* The reference is probably to Gen. John Armstrong, author of the "Newburg Letters," 
and minister to France from 1804 to 1810. — Eds. 


sides, I know & feel that I must sink or swim with it. 
Although I have nothing to do with the handling the 
ropes of the vessel, yet I cannot but see with anxiety 
the bad weather & the rolling sea in which we are. 
I took up my pen to write a few lines, & here is a 
long letter. I will not add to it more than to ask the 
favor of you to send the inclosed to Price, & should 
you perchance see him, to urge the necessity of his send- 
ing me the information I ask. My best wishes. Your 
friend & servant, 

W. Short. 

Where does Monroe live? I sent him a letter from 
one of his friends on my arrival. I have never heard 
from him whether he recieved it. 


Moxticello, Mar. 4, 1811. 

Dear Madam, — Your favor of Jan. 2 by some unusual 
course of the post was near a month before it reached this 
place, to which a further delay has been added by my 
absence of upwards of a month from home, to which I 
returned but two days ago. I make it among my first 
duties to acknolege it's reciept, to offer this apology for 
so late a reply, and to give you assurances of the pleasure 
I should receive from any act of service I could render 
any member of my late friend's family. His merit, & my 
estimation of it authorised him to count on any attentions 
which his friends could render to his family. To my 

* This lady was, perhaps, connected by marriage with the family of Gov. John Page, 
see ante, p. 120. In the letter to which this is an answer, she says her son John T. Page 
" is at present out of employment," and " seems to think he can act as manager over a few 
negroes, or perhaps as an under clerk." " He read law for a short time with Gen 1 Minor." 
She adds: "My object is to get him in some employment immediately, and thinking your 
regard for his deceased father will induce you to try to get him into some business en- 
courages me to apply to you." She wishes the answer to her application to be " directed 
to Mill Wood, Frederick County, Virginia." — Eds. 

1811.] THOMAS JEFFERSON". 155 

wishes, however, of being useful, my present situation is 
not friendly, and the want of a more particular knoledge 
of Mr. J. T. Page's views, acquirements, & habits of life, 
render it difficult even to suggest any openings for occu- 
pation which might suit him. You mention the place of 
a clerk as one he would be willing to undertake. There 
are at Washington a great number of clerkships in the 
offices of the departments of the government, which offer 
an easy service, and salaries equal to the maintenance of 
a single man. I know also, however, that the vacancies 
in them are not frequent & the competitors numerous. 
The friendship of the President, I am sure would induce 
him to befriend your son, in case of any vacancy. Should 
he prefer the occupation of the law in the Western coun- 
try, one of those you mention as within his view, it would 
certainly make him more independant & contented. His 
success in that would depend on himself alone and would 
open a prospect of bettering his situation. The army & 
navy offer frequent openings for appointment, in which 
again we might count on the friendship of the President. 
If any thing which either myself or my friends can do 
may aid him in any pursuit wherein our agency can be 
used, I freely tender every good office I can render him, 
and avail myself with great pleasure of this occasion of 
renewing to you the assurances of my friendship & at- 
tachment & offering the homage of my sincere & high 

Th : Jefferson. 

M rs . Mary Page. 


Monticello, Apr. 7, 11. 

Dear Sir, — Your favors of Mar. 18 and Apr. 1 have 
been duly recieved. The extract from Armstrong's letter 
of July 28, 08, which you desire is in these words : " My 


poor friend Warden * writes to you, & asks from you the 
appointment of consul for this place. I could not prom- 
ise to do more than send his letter. He is an honest 
and amiable man, with as much Greek & Latin & chem- 
istry & theology as would do for the whole corps of con- 
suls ; but, after all, not well qualified for business. You 
have seen an order of sgavans, really well informed, who, 
notwithstanding, scarcely knew how to escape from a 
shower of rain when it happened to beset them. He is of 
that family. No, the man for this place ought to be a 
man of business, as well as a gentleman." He then goes 
on to put Leavenworth's pretentions out of the way, 
should he have proposed himself. The letter is headed 
" private," altho relating as much to public as private trans- 
actions. What I saw of Warden during the ten days or 
fortnight he staid here, satisfied me that he merited all 
the good which Armstrong says of him, & that he was by 
no means the helpless & ineffective man in business which 
he represents him to be. I knew, when I recieved the 
letter, that Armstrong's fondness for point and pith ren- 
dered it unsafe to take what he said literally. He is cyn- 
ical & irritable & implacable. Whether his temper or 
his views induced his dismission of Warden, his persecu- 
tion of him now will render public benefit by the de- 
velopement of his character. I have never heard a single 
person speak of Warden who did not rejoice in his ap- 
pointment, and express disapprobation of Armstrong's con- 
duct respecting him ; and I am perfectly satisfied that, if 
the appointment is made to attract public attention it will 
be approved. The other subject of uneasiness which you 
express must, I know, be afflicting. You will probably 
see it's effect in the secret workings of an insatiable family. 
They may sow discontent, but will neither benefit them- 
selves nor injure you by it. The confidence of the public 

* David B. Warden. He had been Secretary of Legation under Armstrong, when the 
latter was minister to France, and was for main- years consul-general at Paris. — Eds. 

1811.] THOMAS JEFFERSON". 157 

is too solid to be shaken by personal incidents. I do sin- 
cerely rejoice that Monroe is added to your councils. He 
will need only to percieve that you are without reserve 
towards him, to meet it with the cordiality of earlier 
times. He will feel himself to be again at home in our 
bosoms, and happy in a separation from those who led him 
astray. I learn that John Randolph is now open-mouthed 
against him & Hay.* The letter which I wrote lately to 
Wilkinson was one of necessity written to thank him for 
his book which he sent me.f He says nothing in his 
letter of the anonymous letter in Clarke's book to which 
you allude. I have never seen Clarke's book, & know 
nothing of it's contents.^ The only part of my letter 
which regards Wilkinson himself is in these words : " I 
look back with commiseration on those still buffeting the 
storm, & sincerely wish your Argosy may ride out, unhurt, 
that in which it is engaged. My belief is that it will ; & 
I found that belief on my own knolege of Burr's transac- 
tions, on my view of your conduct in encountering them, 
and on the candour of your judges." These are truths 
which I express without reserve whenever any occasion 
calls for them. Whatever previous communications might 
have passed between Burr & Wilkinson on the subject of 
Mexico, I believe that on the part of the latter it was on 
the hypothesis of the approbation of the government. I 
never believed W. would give up a dependance on the 
government under whom he was the first, to become a 
secondary & dependant on Burr. I inclose you a letter 
from Pere Gabriel. In a Note of unfinished business 

* George Hay, United States District Attorney for Virginia, and son-in-law of James 
Monroe. He had conducted the prosecution of Aaron Burr. — Eds. 

t The letter to General Wilkinson here referred to is printed in Washington's edition 
of the Writings of Thomas Jefferson, vol. v. pp. 572, 573. — Eds. 

t The book referred to is an octavo volume of nearly three hundred and fifty pages, 
entitled " Proofs of the Corruption of Gen. James Wilkinson, and of his Connexion with 
Aaron Burr, with a full Refutation of Ins slanderous Allegations in Relation to the Character 
of the principal Witness against him. By Daniel Clark of the City of New Orleans." It 
is not mentioned in Allibone's Dictionary of Authors ; but there is a copy in the library of 
this Society. — Eds. 



which I left with you, you will see exactly how far he had 
a right to expect the government would go in aid of his 
establishment. I fear the glimmering of hope that Eng- 
land might return to reason has past off with the return 
of her mad king to power. Present me affectionately to 
Mrs. Madison, and be assured of my best wishes for your 
health & happiness, and that your labours for the public 
may be crowned with their love. 

Th: Jefferson. 

The Preside U. S. 


Thomas Jefferson, late President of U. S., Monticello. 

Oak-Ridge, August 30 th , 11. 

My dear Sir, — Since I had the pleasure of being at 
Monticello, the unsettled state of my health has totally 
disqualified me for intellectual exertion. Indeed, for the 
last two years, either the incapacity resulting from this 
cause or the avocations of business have materially ob- 
structed my desire of knowledge, by taking away the 
physical power of obtaining it. The former evil being 
now partially removed by a recent visit to the Springs, I 
am determined, in spite of the latter, to renew my studies 
with energy & zeal. But finding myself deficient in those 
elementary parts of learning which serve as a scaffolding 
for higher attainments, & having always meditated a re- 
currence to them when circumstances should favour my 
design, I must adopt some new arrangement for the pur- 
pose of comprehending them in my future course. The 
subjects to which I allude are Mathematics, Physics, the 

* William Cabell Rives, known both as a statesman and a man of letters, was born in 
Nelson County, Va., May 4, 1703, was educated at Hampden-Sidney College and at 
William and Mary College, and died at Castle Hill, near Charlottesville, Va., April 25, 
18G8. He was a member of the House of Representatives of the United States from 1822 
to 1828, at two different periods a Senator, and twice Minister to France. His most im- 
portant literary work was his unfinished " Life and Times of .Tames Madison." See Apple- 
ton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. v. p. 207. — Eds. 

1811.] WILLIAM C. RIVES. 159 

Antient, & some of the Modern Languages, all of which 
will become subservient, either directly or indirectly, to 
my ultimate profession. In order to incorporate these 
with my other studies, it will be necessary, however, to 
make the reading of Law for some time a secondary ob- 
ject; nor will the temporary abridgement of my legal 
researches be at all inconvenient, as I am not anxious to 
precipitate the period of active employment. It will be 
necessary likewise, to change the scene of my literary 
labours, for the difficulties of Mathematics cannot be easily 
overcome without the aid of an instructor or the co-opera- 
tion of a fellow-student, the principles of Natural Philoso- 
phy cannot be distinctly understood without experimental 
proofs, and the dull exercise of committing grammars & 
vocabularies to memory cannot be patiently endured with- 
out sharing it with a companion. Possessing none of 
these advantages at home, I have been induced to look 
abroad for a more favourable situation, and bounding my 
view by the limits of the State, I have at length selected 
Williamsburg as the best. I have not extended my view 
to other States, because it appears desirable that every 
person should receive his education in the particular State 
which is destined to be the theatre of his future life, as 
he is thereby better enabled to accommodate himself to 
the tone of feelings & manners which prevail among his 
fellow-citizens. In Wms.burg there are able professors 
in all the departments I have mentioned. As a mathema- 
tician, Mr. Blackburn is supposed to be inferior to no man 
in Virginia, and the original simplicity of his method of 
instruction entitles him to the first rank as a teacher. 
Bishop Madison, I believe, has acted a distinguished part 
in the philosophical transactions of his own country, and 
in Europe his name is highly respected. The professor 
of modern languages, also, is said to be a man of consider- 
able erudition, & possesses a critical & complete knowl- 
edge of the French, which is his vernacular tongue. To 


these advantages I may superadd the edifying society of 
studious & enlightened young men of whom there are at 
least six or seven at that place in years of the greatest 

The very friendly disposition which you have mani- 
fested towards me, together with your experience in mat- 
ters of this kind particularly & the rectitude of your 
judgement on all, has emboldened me to solicit your re- 
marks & advice on the subject of my future course. Will 
you do me the favour, Sir, to say whether you consider 
Wms.burg an eligible situation for the objects I propose, 
and if not, what other you would recommend ? I desire 
to be most respectfully presented to Mr. & Mrs. Randolph 
& their family, and with zealous prayers for the continu- 
ance of your health & happiness, 

I have the honour to be your mo. obt. serv. 

W M . C. Rives. 


New York, Nov. 19, 11. 

Dear Sir, — I was exploring the Jersey Mountains in 
search of a farm when your favor of the 15 th Oct. was 
forwarded here, agreeably to directions left with my agent 
at Philadelphia as to my letters. I did not succeed in my 
search, but hope to be more successful next year. 

Let me now express all my thanks for your kindness as 
to Ind. Camp. I am indeed truly obliged by it, & prefer 
much the plan of allowing the leases to remain quietly as 
they are. Should an offer be made, it will then be time 
to see what arrangement can be made, or what will be 
best to be done. I am glad to see you think the land 
cheap at 10 d. I shall be satisfied perfectly with the price, 
& particularly if the purchaser will pay the interest with 
punctuality. In that case it w T ill be a kind of property 
which will suit one in my situation much better than land, 

1811.] WILLIAM SHORT. 161 

although if I had a family I should be of a very different 
opinion & should prefer land to any thing. 

Some time ago, having occasion to write to M r Wickham 
on my law business with my worthy friend & relation 
Col S., I mentioned to him my wish to sell this land. I 
had hope it might suit him, as I know he is a land pur- 
chaser. He told me he did not wish it himself, but would 
aid me in the sale as far as he could, & that he would 
direct the land to be viewed by the father of his manager, 
who lived near it. This was, I think, more than a year 
ago — I believe indeed on my return to this country — & 
if I am not mistaken I mentioned the price of 10 dol s . to 
him. I have found here on my return from the Jersey a 
letter on Col . S.'s business from M r Wickham, & in it he 
tells me that his manager, M r Sampson, has visited the 
lands, & that his father-in-law, M r Rogers, who lives 
near them & is well acquainted with the price & value of 
lands, has also viewed them & is to give an opinion which 
he duly expects. M r W. adds, " from what I can learn 
they would command from 10 to 12 dols. p acre, on the 
usual terms of sale." Still, as I have said above, I shall be 
perfectly satisfied with 10 dol s . as being a more convenient 
arrangement for me than holding lands. Should M r W. 
find a purchaser he will of course inform me of it, & I 
shall do nothing without first communicating with you. 

I have a letter from M de de Tesse of March last, of 
which this is an extract : " Presentez mes plus tendres & 
plus respectueux hommages a M r . Jefferson, dans toutes les 
occasions ou cela vous sera possible. Je ne suis pas encore 
consolee de ne plus trouver de ses beaux discours dans les 
gazettes. Si vous etes assez heureux pour aller a Monticello 
il seroit bon de vous mettre pour un petit moment a genoux 
devant mon autel. J'aimerois bien a sea voir si vos ennemis 
ont conserve leur credit, si votre Gouvernement s'obstine 
a ignorer qu'on reconnoit jamais bien les mceurs d'un 
pays dont on ne parle pas la langue, & que le patriotisme 



ne supplie pas aux lumieres, &c." I endeavored to explain 
to her & others the state of my case, but it was telling the 
fabulam surdo. And she is in this a proof in point of her 
own maxim above, as to not knowing les mceurs d'unpays ; 
& the government, administration, & views of a country 
may be included as well as the mceurs. 

I am now inclined to believe that it is necessary, not 
only to have the language, but to be personally present to 
possess a knowlege of a foreign country, in this century 
of unceasing changes. On my return to France I found 
such a perfect revolution in every thing that it was quite 
a new country & to be studied over again. Notwithstand- 
ing I had kept up a correspondence with my friends there, 
yet events had succeeded with so much rapidity that I 
was totally in arrear, and the first month it was a matter 
of great amusement to my friends & myself to be learning 
from them at every moment events of real importance & 
still operating their effect, of which I had never heard or 
dreamed. I was like La Peyrouse in the little comedy 
which was written in the year 1790, in which he is made 
to arrive at Paris ; where of course he finds nothing as 
he left it in 85, & had to ask the explanation of every 

I had an opportunity, by going from France to Eng- 
land, of verifying the perfect state of ignorance in which 
these two countries are with respect to each other. When 
you consider that they are separated by only seven leagues 
of water, & that there is much communication, it really 
passes all comprehension. It is not always safe to en- 
deavor to rectify errors of this kind, because it is necessary 
to begin by telling people that they are mistaken, & that 
you know better than they do. They will very certainly 
not believe you in the first place, & in the second they will 
probably be displeased by you, & particularly if you enter 
as a volunteer. Chance gave me whilst in France an op- 
portunity of being admitted further into the secret cabinet 

1811.] WILLIAM SHORT. 163 

of the leader, or rather the driver, there than can possibly 
happen to any one but by chance, & I can aver that the 
real feelings & views, particularly the former, as to this 
country, are considered there as very different from what 
they are here. I do not think it right to commit to paper 
the source through which this came to me, but I will do so 
when I have the pleasure of seeing you. In England I met 
with an old acquaintance formed a great many years ago on 
the Continent, who is a thorough-going Ministerialist. By 
his situation, by the places he has held, & by his connexions 
he is in fact one of them, although he has no department. 
I saw a few of the opposition, who, however, were not the 
leaders. These were all Englishmen, & I had a good deal 
of conversation with them, & in a way in which there 
could be no disguise or disposition to deceive. They were 
men of information as to their own country ; they had 
all been on the continent & in France particularly, & yet I 
can assure you that however well they may have been ac- 
quainted with France " as it was," they were totally mis- 
taken in their ideas of France " as it is." And I ob- 
served that they had not only different, but opposite ideas, 
just as they would have had on a question in the House 
of Commons. They had each mixed up all they had for- 
merly known with all they were daily learning, & made a 
dish according to the taste of their palates, but really not 
at all according to the nature of the thing. 

I saw also three foreigners who have so long resided in 
London that they are much better informed of the true 
state & real interests of England in its foreign relations 
than any Englishman I saw, for it seems as if that kind 
of knowlege was more difficult to be attained by an 
Englishman than any other. Dumouriez & Count d' An- 
traigues (the last you will recollect as having been of the 
Constituent Assembly, having written a pamphlet in which 
he went far ahead of his peers in favor of the Revolution 
& then taking the stud & emigrating either with or before 


Mounier) have, with the active industry & intelligence of 
Frenchmen, acquired a most intimate knowlege of the 
state of things & parties as regards England in its interior. 
Being foreigners, & employed & paid (at least Dumouriez) 
by the government, they see with the same freedom each 
succeeding ministry. They have become acquainted with 
them as they have come into power, & shewed respect 
for them & retained an intimacy with the influential when 
they have lost their power, not knowing how soon they 
may come up again. Being thus free of the fogs of party 
spirit, it appeared to me that they had a clearer & more 
distinct view of the present, as well as what would 
probably be the future, in England than any one I 
saw there. 

Dumouriez is consulted on all military operations in 
Europe ; he forms plans for them, of which they never 
take more than a part, just enough to incur all the ex- 
pense, & never enough to give a chance of success, — or 
if they adopt the whole of his plan, they then begin it 
some months later than agreed on, so as to insure its fail- 
ure in that way. It is clear from the opinion of both 
Dumouriez & d'Antraigues that the present is the weakest 
ministry they have yet been able to collect.* The Mar- 
quis of Wellesley, they say, is a man of enterprize & exten- 
sive views, proper for a first Minister, but totally incapable 
of the details of a department. He came in under the 
full expectation of being premier, of which he had the 
assurance, but was outwitted completely by Perceval, who 
was, when at the bar, an avocat sans cause, & who always 
will be a ministre sans talens. The details of this ma- 
noeuvre are really curious, as I had it from d'An . . . , & the 
mainspring of the intrigue & what secured Perceval's suc- 
cess, was his representing to the King that he was really 

* In the ministry which came into office on the death of the Duke of Portland, in 1809, 
and which was in office at the date of this letter, Spencer Perceval was First Lord of the 
Treasury and Prime Minister, and the Marquis Wellesley was Foreign Secretary. — Eds. 

1811.] WILLIAM SHORT. 165 

without talents or influence himself, &, of course, could be 
nothing but by the King, whereas those who had talents 
& influence would always endeavour to make themselves 
independent of the King & control him. 

The opinion of many was that it would be a piece of 
good fortune for England if the Ministry were baffled at 
once & the armies driven out of the Peninsula, so as to 
have necessity for the excuse of abandoning their mode of 
carrying on the war there. It would be too long to go 
into detail on this subject at the end of so long a letter. 
So far as we may judge from what took place in Gallicia, 
during the campaign of Sir John Moore & after the ex- 
pulsion of his army, the resistance would not be dimin- 
ished by such an event. This is the opinion of the famous 
Savary, Duke de Rovigo, now Minister of Police, the same 
who brought off the Prince of Asturias. Whilst I was at 
Paris he told a lady of my acquaintance, who repeated it 
to me the same day : " As to conquering Spain, if by dis- 
persing its armies a conquest is meant, that is already 
done, but if a quiet possession is meant, that cannot be 
effected but by a permanent garrison of 600,000 men, & 
considering the Peninsula as a place forte ." 

Instead of disasters in the Peninsula & the expulsion of 
the British from thence, making them more tractable as 
to our affairs, might it not on the contrary remove one of 
the principal inducements which they have to peace with 
us in the present state of things, the necessity of their 
armies deriving supplies from hence ? The effect of a 
bankruptcy on their internal state & foreign relations, or 
the probability of such an event, would require the going 
into a longer investigation of the interior of England than 
you would perhaps think worthy of the time. It was 
evident to me whilst in England, although no Englishman 
that I saw would then admit it, that they were verging 
towards a paper money. Huskisson, however, has since 
shewn that in its true light. Have you seen his pamph- 


let ? * In time, paper money (which, however, is different 
from paper currency), if continued, inevitably produces one 
kind of bankruptcy. But whilst this money can hold out 
it adds strength instead of taking it away. And after it 
can hold out no longer we have seen one instance at least, 
that of France, of a country immediately arising like a 
phenix from its ashes. I do not pretend to decide that 
this would be the same with every other, but it is worthy 
of being taken into consideration. 

Indeed, there are so many things to be taken into con- 
sideration in examining, & more especially in deciding, on 
this vast subject, the war with England, & which must, of 
course, have occupied the mind of the administration for 
some time back, that I have been imprudent perhaps in 
thus touching on it, as I can only do it in a contracted 
way. I think with you that it is very uncertain whether 
the nation itself will not soon force the Prince, or King, & 
Ministry into a war with us. Perceval would not, perhaps, 
be sorry to be thus forced, but most others would be sorry 
for it. The present course of the two governments, how- 
ever, it seems to me, tends towards w^ar, & although I do 
not believe that either government does or can wish for 
it, yet in their present attitudes, some event, or some suc- 
cession of events may take place which will render it still 
more probable, if not inevitable. I should like much to 
have been at Monticello last summer with M. & M., & 
have heard them discuss some points, which must, I should 
imagine, have been discussed ; such as whether this be 
the most favorable time for ens;ao;ina; in a war in favor of 
neutral rights, seeing that all the world is belligerent ex- 
cept ourselves, & that each belligerent is equally hostile 
to these rights,! what would be the probable effect on 

* The reference is to " The Question concerning the Depreciation of our Currency 
Stated and Examined. By W. Huskisson, Esq., M.P." It at once estahlished his reputa- 
tion as a writer on finance, and passed through five editions in one year. — Eds. 

t I have travelled a great deal this summer & seen many of all parties, & this point I 
have heard particularly canvassed & ideas thrown out as to the certainty of its changing the 
administration alter the first election. Whether that w (1 really be the case, I do not pretend 
to 6av. 

1811.] WILLIAM SHORT. 167 

ourselves, of a war undertaken at this time, whether there 
be no means of evading for the present (if the moment 
be unfavorable for war) & of postponing war, without 
renouncing any principle & with a determination of pre- 
paring for the assertion & maintenance of every principle 
on the first favorable occasion which may present a good 
chance of success. If there be no such means, then, of 
course, war at present is necessary & inevitable, & removes 
the trouble of every other consideration, except as to car- 
rying it on with greatest effect. 

A person situated as I am, & who, of course, can have 
only a part of the subject under his view, is so exposed to 
form half-starved incorrect opinions that he should not, 
perhaps, trouble other people with them : but where we 
feel very much interested it is almost impossible not to 
form an opinion, & difficult not to communicate it when 
speaking confidentially. I take it for granted that since 
the length of time that our commercial difficulties have 
begun with the belligerent powers, Government must, in 
its various views of that subject, have examined the alter- 
native of leaving commerce to its own protection, when 
carried beyond our own limits, or inviting the citizens of 
the U. S. to remain at home & employ their capitals here ; 
but, at the same time, leaving them free to manage their 
affairs in their own way, & at their own risk & peril, if 
they will persist in placing themselves between Scylla & 
Charybdis. I suppose, as this plan has never (I believe), 
been brought forward, that there must be some objection 
to it arising out of circumstances unknown to me. 

I had a good deal of conversation on this subject with 
Daniel Parker, as to its commercial effects. No person 
that I know carries more analysis into commercial ques- 
tions than he does. He has established his reputation as 
a clear & combining head on these matters, as well at 
London as at Amsterdam, & his long residence abroad 
has not diminished his attachment to his own country. 


Indeed, I believe that residence abroad, free from the 
asperities one sees at home, & the injustice & abuse to 
which one is exposed, increases & exalts one's attachment 
instead of diminishing it. Parker has more than once 
developed the commercial bearings that this measure 
would have, in so satisfactory a manner that I requested 
he would give me a memoir with those developements, 
that I might send it to you. He promised this with 
pleasure, & would have executed it with zeal, but before 
he had done intelligence was recieved from America 
which shewed it was then unnecessary. 

As far as we can judge from what has transpired from 
Washington, there appears no symptom of the Executive 
contemplating such a measure. How would they like its 
coming from the legislature ? I have no reason to sup- 
pose that such a plan exists there, but a gentleman here 
told me that a Republican member of the House, who 
came down the North River with him, said outright on 
board of the steam boat, that should be his plan. 

The Hornet is here under sailing orders for Europe. 
The report is that a new Minister to London is to go out 
in that vessel, & that D r Eustis is the person intended. 
This may perhaps merely proceed from the affair of the 
Chesapeake being arranged. Perhaps also this arrange- 
ment may act as an entering wedge — & to use an Irish 
phrase, draw things closer together — but I am not 
sufficiently instructed to see how it will do it. 

On looking back at this long letter, I am really, hona 
fide, sans phrase, frightened at it, & almost tempted to 
suppress it altogether, & write another merely as to Ind. 
Camp, but hoping & taking it for granted you will only 
read as much of it as you please, I let it go, with the 
repeated assurance of all my gratitude for your kindness 
as to Ind. Camp, & of my being ever your friend & 

W. Short. 

1812.] THOMAS JEFFERSON". 169 


Monticello, Feb. 2, 12. 

Dear Sir, — Yonr favor of Dec. 18 is duly recieved, 
and I am happy to learn from it that you are well and 
still active in the cause of our country. S. Carolina 
remains firm too to sound principles. Of her orthodoxy 
I shall never doubt. You have the peculiar advantage 
of gathering all your aristocracy into Charleston, where 
alone it can be embodied, and where alone it can be felt. 
We are to have war, then ? I believe so, and that it is 
necessary. Every hope from time, patience, & the love 
of peace is exhausted, and war or abject submission are 
the only alternatives left us. I am forced from my hobby, 
peace, until our revenue is liberated. Then we could 
make war without either new taxes or loans, and in 
peace apply the same resources to internal improvement. 
But they will not give us time to get into this happy 
state. They will force us, as they have forced France, 
to become a nation of souldiers, & then the more woe to 
them. Bat all this is for future history. Mine is draw- 
ing to it's close. Age begins to press sensibly on me, and 
I leave politics to those of more vigour of body and mind. 
I give up newspapers for Horace & Tacitus, and with- 
draw my mind from contention of every kind, perfectly 
secure that our rulers & fellow-citizens are taking all 
possible care of us. They will still have many years of 
aid from you, and that they may be years of health, 
honor, & happiness is my sincere prayer. 

Tn : Jefferson. 

Charles Pinckney, Esq. 

* Charles Pinckney was born in Charleston, S. C , in 1758, and died there, Oct. 29, 
1824. He was a member of the Convention which framed the Federal Constitution, was 
four times Governor of his native State, eeveral times a member of Congress, and minister 
to Spain from 1801 to 1805. He strongly advocated the War of 1812 with England, and 
warmly opposed the Missouri Compromise. See Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American 
Biography, vol. v. p. 23; Lanman's Biographical Annals, pp. 336, 608. — Eds. 



Monticello, June 16, 12. 

Dear Sir, — On the 4 th of Nov. last I wrote to you re- 
questing another quarter cask of powder to be forwarded 
to me with a note of the cost that I might remit for that 
& the preceding one together. Not having heard from 
you, I repeated my request in a letter of Apr. 30, and at 
the same time desired Mr. John Barnes of Geo. town to 
remit you 50 dollars, which he informs me he had done. 
This was a mere guess at the cost of the two quarter 
casks, as I did not know it exactly. Being still without 
information on the subject I have to request the favor of 
a line by post. I should not be so importunate but that 
the season for blowing rock in a canal I am engaged in 
has now commenced. I would wish to have half a dozen 
pounds of shooting powder, & the rest for blowing as 

In the same letter of Apr. 30, 1 mentioned that I should 
shear a few fleeces of genuine Merino wool & of the finest 
character, with about 15 of half blood ; that I had under- 
stood you were connected with a manufactory of cloth at 
which they would recieve wool to be spun, woven, & dyed 
for an equivalent either in the wool or cash, and I asked 
your information particularly on that subject, for which I 
will still thank you. A late letter from your father in- 
forms me of his health ; but you doubtless heard from 
him at the same date. Accept the assurance of my great 
esteem & respect. Til : Jefferson. 

M. E. I. Dupont dk Nemours. 

* Eleuthere In'nee Du Pont, son of Pierre Samuel Du Pont de Nemours, was born 
in Paris, France, June 24, 1771, and died in Philadelphia, Oct. 31, 1834. After having 
suffered imprisonment three times during the French Revolution, he came over to the 
United States with his father's family in 1799 ; and in 1802 bought a tract of land, 
with water-power on the Brandywine River, near Wilmington, Delaware. Here he es- 
tablished the powder-works which are still carried on by his descendants. His nephew, 
Admiral Samuel F. Du Pont, rendered important services during the rebellion. See 
Applcton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. ii. pp. 2G4-2GG. — Eds. 

1812.] THOMAS COOPER. 171 


Carlisle, July 25, 1812. 

Dear Sir, — I return you many thanks for your pack- 
age, particularly for your statement of the Batture case, 
which has settled my opinion.! I understood the question 
but imperfectly without the assistance of your account of 
it. Du Ponceau sent me his argument and Livingston's 
virulent pamphlet, which, however, he by no means ap- 
proved. I have written to him that you have converted 
me. I am the more interested also, because I have not 
yet abandoned the notion of practising law at New Or- 
leans ; for although I am very much attached to Chemistry, 
I consider myself as married to Law, which I know by ex- 
perience I could make, if not so pleasant, more lucrative. 

When my edition of Justinian's Institutes is out, which 
will be in about three months, I will beg your acceptance 
of a copy. I have already printed the text and transla- 
tion, amounting to 400 pages, and 150 pages of notes. 
Having had the misfortune of losing by fire great part of 
my collections for notes, I am obliged to use the intervals 
of my leisure here, to compose as fast as I can for the 
printer, who keeps even daily pace with me. But hurried 

* Thomas Cooper was born in London, England, October 22, 1759, and was educated 
at Oxford. He afterward studied law, medicine, and the natural sciences. In 1795 he 
followed his friend Joseph Priestley, to the United States, and settled at Northumberland, 
Pa., where he practised law for some time. From 1811 to 1814 he was Professor of 
Chemistry in Dickinson College; and from 1816 to 1821, he held a similar chair in the 
University of Pennsylvania. In 1820 he was made President of the College of South 
Carolina, which office he held until 1834, being at the same time Professor of Chemistry and 
Political Economy. He died in Charleston, S. C, May 11, 1840. See Appleton's Cyclo- 
paedia of American Biography, vol. i. pp. 732, 733; Dictionary of National Biography, vol. 
xii. pp. 151, 152; Duyckinck's Cyclopaedia of American Literature, vol. ii. pp. 331-333. — 

t The reference is to a pamphlet of eighty pages, published in 1812, under the title of 
" The Proceedings of the Government of the United States, in maintaining the Public Right 
to the Beach of the Missisipi, adjacent to New Orleans, against the Intrusion of Edward 
Livingston. Prepared for the Use of Counsel, by Thomas Jefferson." A copy of the 
original edition, with pen-and-ink corrections in the handwriting of Mr. Jefferson, is in the 
library of this Society. 

For some remarks on this celebrated case, see Randall's Life of Thomas Jefferson, vol. 
iii. pp. 266-269. — Eds. 


as I am (lecturing also thrice a week), I shall not scruple 
to risk the publication. I expect the additional notes, 
preface, and index will occupy about 150 pages more, 
making a volume of 700 pages. I have preferred correct- 
ing the diffuse and awkward translation of Harris to 
composing entirely a new one, and I have aimed at the 
difficult task of keeping the translation within bounds of 
space not much exceeding the original.* 

I have turned over the pages of the Ideologie with ex- 
pectations of profit, but it does not as yet appear to me 
greatly superior to Condillac. The work of Cabanis I 
know only by title, and should be greatly gratified by 
procuring it ; for the title itself implies that he knows 
(almost exclusively) the true method of treating his sub- 
ject. I have long been of opinion that all consideration 
of metaphysics and of morals, not founded on considering 
us as mere organized animals, and deduced from the 
peculiar character of our animal organization, amounts to 
waste of time in the writer and the reader, at least so far 
as the elements of these branches of knowledge are con- 
cerned. If I could procure Cabanis, and he proves to be 
what I expect him to be, I should have no objection to 
translate the work ; though I fancy it would produce 
more obloquy than either pleasure or profit. 

I have not yet read the Commentaries on Montesquieu, 
whose paradoxical and epigrammatic work has in my 
opinion received its full share of praise. I meditated two 
years ago a History of the Roman Law, and also two 
volumes of original papers and collections relating to 
manufacturing processes and the arts. M r Madison was 
so good at my request to send to M r Russel for some 
French chemical books that I wanted for the latter pur- 
pose, but they have been at L' Orient for more than a 
twelve month past. I sent to M r Barlow to procure me 

* Cooper's " English Version of the Institutes of Justinian" was published in Phila- 
delphia in 1812, and has been twice reprinted. -— Eds. 


Terasson's Hist, of Roman Jurisprudence, the late trans- 
lation of the Civil Code which is now compleat in France, 
and some other books on the same subject, and on Mineral- 
ogy, & with liberty to go to any extent he thought fit on 
those branches of knowledge, but I despair of procuring 
any books now from France. My friend, M r Priestley is, I 
believe, now in Paris, but I know not how long he will stay 
there, or how to direct to him. In short, I shall renounce 
the trade of authorship, and by and by settle down to the 
vending of law, but not in this State. 

Adieu. Believe me, with sincere respect and esteem, 
dear Sir, 

Your obliged friend, 

Thomas Cooper. 

I see lately published a work on a curious subject, that 
promises information. An essay on the Probability of 
Sensation in Vegetables, by J. P. Tupper, surgeon, London, 
142 pages. He has been superficially preceded by D r Wat- 
son (Landau ), D r Bell of Manchester, and D r Smith. I 
think more than mere sensation, that volition might be 
made probable. 


Th : 'Jefferson presents his compliments to Mr. Rush, & 
his thanks for the copy of his oration of the 4 th of July, 
which he has been so kind as to send him, and for the 
friendly wishes he expresses for his health and happiness. 

* Richard Rush was born in Philadelphia, August 29, 1780; graduated at Princeton in 
1797, and was admitted to the bar in 1800. In November, 1811, he was made Comptroller 
of the United States Treasury; and from 1814 to 1817 he was United States Attorney- 
General. In the latter year he was sent as minister to England, where he remained until 
1825, when he was appointed Secretary of the Treasury in the administration of President 
John Quincy Adams. In March, 1847, he was commissioned as minister to France, and 
took leave in October, 1849. He died in Philadelphia, July 30, 1859. The oration here 
referred to was delivered in Washington, July 4, 1B12. He was the author of numerous 
other publications, of which several have a permanent value. See Appleton's Cyclo- 
paedia of American Biography, vol. v. p. 350; Lanman's Biographical Annals, pp. 367, 
596. — Eds. 


To the last nothing contributes more tlian the contem- 
plation of such specimens as Mr. Rush has sent him of 
the eloquence of his country devoted to the celebration of 
the birthday of our independance. Every day's history 
proves more & more the wisdom and salutary result of 
that measure, by developements of the degeneracy of the 
British nation, & of it's rapid decline towards some awful 
catastrophe, from which their injustice & the favor of 
Heaven have separated us. 

He salutes Mr. Rush with sentiments of high respect 
& esteem. 

Monticello, Aug. 2, 12. 


Thomas Jefferson, Monticello, near Milton, Virginia. 

Camp near Buffaloe, Oct. 24, 1S12. 

D R Sir, — I reached this on the 10 th , after a long & 
fatiguing march, & have ever since been engaged in 
the most active and arduous duty. On the morning after 
my arrival in camp I was sent to relieve Col. Winder t 
in the command at Black Rock, where we were forced 
constantly to remain on our arms, & were exposed for 
some time to the fire of the enemy's batteries. 

After the unfortunate attempt at invasion & the dis- 
aster of Queenston, we were marched down to Lewis 
Town, & then back to this place over almost impassable 
roads. The soldiers in consequence of this exposure have 
suffered greatly, and of 571, to-day we have only 363 
for duty. Marching during the severe cold of night, up 
to the knees in mud & water, & sleeping constantly on 
the wet earth without straw, & with only a single blanket 

* A brother of Gov. Edward Coles, and a personal friend of Jefferson. At this time 
he was a lieutenant-colonel in the Virginia militia, and was serving on the Niagara 
frontier. — Ens. 

f Col. William H. Winder, of Maryland. — Eds. 

1812.] ISAAC A. COLES. 175 

has proven more destructive than a battle ; the suffering 
of my men during the night of the 13 th I can never for- 
get while I live. Heretofore there has been a scarcity of 
every thing — even of food, of forage, & of the munitions 
of war. Nothing seemed to have been provided ; but now 
we have a promise of better times. God send it may not 
prove fallacious. 

A few days ago we were ordered to hut ourselves, & 
expected to go into winter quarters in the midst of the 
woods, & with little prospect of obtaining the necessaries, 
much less the comforts, of civilized life. The prospect 
was truly a gloomy one, but now we are afraid that we 
shall " winter in Canada or in heaven," & we have 
thrown by our axes & saws for our muskets & bayonets. 

We are told that large reinforcem ts are coming on, but 
as they are generally composed of militia companies, little 
reliance ought to be placed on them. In truth, the regu- 
lars here, amounting to little upwards of 1000 men fit 
for duty, are without discipline, & could by no means 
meet an equal number of British troops. You can form 
no conception of the irregularity and disorder that exist 
in every branch of the service ; every one prates & no one 
acts, even the Gen 1 himself # — or rather Gen 1 Porter t 
(for of him I may speak). He is making a fortune out 
of the gov* by starving the army, & yet there is no 
redress ; often, after starving 24 hours, our men have to 
take meat & sour flour & whiskey for their ration ; the 
small parts are never to be had ; & when the provision is 
condemned, it is still forced on you, as there is no one 
else of whom to buy ; the quarter masters are all of them 
without money, no forage master has been appointed, and 
our teams & riding horses are actually starving. On my 
first arrival I could neither obtain ammunition (at least 

* Major-General Stephen Van Rensselaer, of New York, was in command of the army 
at the battle of Queenstown; but he shortly afterward turned over the command to 
Brigadier-General Alexander Smyth. — Eds. 

t Brigadier-General Peter B. Porter, of New York. — Eds. 


only 12 rounds) nor flints. Th'e enemy fired at us a 
whole day at Black Rock, & we could not return the fire, 
as a six pounder, the only piece I saw mounted, was 
without ammunition. The medical department was in 
equal disorder, & our sick & wounded have suffered more 
than you can concieve. Many were not dressed until 
three or four days after the battle, & then by youths 
without experience, who, it is said, have treated them 
very improperly. 

Indeed, until the army shall have been organized in all 
it's parts & disciplined, I fear you will hear of little else 
than a series of disasters ; the late attempt at invasion 
is said to have been brought about by the Clinton party, 
& was intended to influence the Presidential election. It 
has no doubt produced a powerful effect, & something 
ought to be attempted [to] counteract it's influence. The 
army here [torn] to make another attempt. I doubt not 
that we shall make good our landing, & carry with little 
loss all the batteries on the opposite shore as well as Fort 
Erie ; but whether we shall be able to take Fort George, 
or maintain ourselves on the Canada side, is, I think, 
extremely questionable. There will certainly too, even 
if our force was much greater than it is, be considerable 
risk in crossing over into an enemy country with only 
two or three days' provision on hand, & without the 
com d . of the water. I have written you this on my knee 
in the open air. Present me in the kindest manner to 
M r . 8 Randolph & the family, & believe me, with the 
warmest & most respectful attach" 1 , 

Y rs , 

I. A. Coles. 



Monticello, Nov. 8, 12. 

Dear Sir, — It is high time I should make my ac- 
knolegements to you for the piece of cloth of your 
manufacture which you were so kind as to forward to 
me. But this article as well as the keg of powder for- 
warded with it have experienced singular delay. Tho' 
sent from Wilmington early in July, they were near 2 
months, I believe, reaching Richmond ; from which place 
they were forwarded to me on the 18 th of Sep., & have 
not yet reached me, owing to the low state of our river 
usual in autumn. The first good rain will, I expect, 
enable the boat to come up, but as I am setting out 
on a journey on which I shall be absent some weeks, 
I cannot permit myself to await their actual arrival & 
my return before I tender you my thanks for the cloth 
you have been so good as to favor me with. I am 
happy to know that we have established among us a 
manufacture from which we may expect to see the 
French processes, in both weaving & dying fine cloths, 
introduced among us. It is one of the articles in which 
they certainly excel the English. I am in hopes the 
Merino race of sheep is so well established among us 
as to leave you in no danger of wanting that article. 
I have been unlucky with them. I began with one ram 
& 3 ewes. One of the ewes died of the scab, and the 
others for two years have brought me only ram lambs, 
so that I remain still with only 2 ewes. But I have 
many half bloods. There is no demand here for the 
wool, because we have no manufacture of fine cloth in 
the State. In that of coarse cloathing we are going on 
very prosperously in our families. Scarcely a family 
fails to clothe itself. I salute you with great esteem 
& respect. 

Mr. E. I. DUPONT. 


Th : Jefferson. 



Monticello, Apr. 17, 13. 

Dear Sir, — I had long owed you a letter for your favor 
of Aug. 19, when I recieved eight days ago that of Mar. 2, 
1%12. A slip of the pen, I suppose for ISlo, and the 
pamphlet accompanying it strengthens the supposition. I 
thank you for the pamphlet. t It is full of good sense & 
wholsome advice, and I am making all my grandchildren 
read it, married & unmarried ; and the story of farmer 
Jenkins will, I hope, remain in their minds through life. 
Both your letters are on the subject of your agricultural 
operations, and both prove the ardor with which you are 
pursuing them. But when I observe that you take an 
active part in the bodily labor of the farm, your zeal and 
age give me uneasiness for the result. 

Your position that a small farm well worked and well 
manned, will produce more than a larger one ill-tended, is 
undoubtedly true in a certain degree. There are extremes 
in this as in all other cases. The true medium may really 
be considered and stated as a mathematical problem : 
" Given the quantum of labor within our command, 
and land ad libitum offering it's spontaneous contribu- 
tions : required the proportion in which these two ele- 
ments should be employed to produce a maximum. " It 
is a difficult problem, varying probably in every country 
according to the relative value of land and labor. The 

* Charles Wilson Peale was born in Chestertown, Maryland, April 16, 1741, and died in 
Philadelphia, Pa., Feb. 22, 1827. He followed at first the trade of a saddler, but while still 
a young man determined to be a portrait painter. In this profession he obtained a very 
considerable degree of success, and painted numerous portraits of Washington and the men 
of the Revolutionary period. He was also the founder and proprietor of the once famous 
Peale's Museum of Art and Natural History of Philadelphia. He was a man of great in- 
genuity and even greater versatility, and " took up, in turn, the making of coaches, har- 
nesses, clocks, and watches, besides working as a silversmith, and he was also soldier, 
politician, naturalist, taxidermist, and dentist." Numerous letters to or from him are 
among the Jefferson Papers in the possession of this Society. See Appleton's Cyclopaedia 
of American Biography, vol. iv. pp. (580, 61)0. — Ens. 

t " An Essay to promote Domestic Happiness," published in 1813. — Eds. 


spontaneous energies of the earth are a gift of nature, but 
they require the labor of man to direct their operation. 
And the question is so to husband his labor as to turn the 
greatest quantity of this useful action of the earth to his 
benefit. Ploughing deep, your recipe for killing weeds, is 
also the recipe for almost every thing good in farming. 
The plough is to the farmer what the wand is to the 
sorcerer. It's effect is really like sorcery. In the country 
wherein I live we have discovered a new use for it, equal 
in value almost to it's services before known. Our country 
is hilly and we have been in the habit of ploughing in 
strait rows whether up and down hill, in oblique lines, or 
however they lead ; and our soil was all rapidly running 
into the rivers. We now plough horizontally following 
the curvatures of the hills and hollows, on the dead level, 
however crooked the lines may be. Every furrow thus 
acts as a reservoir to recieve and retain the waters, all of 
which go to the benefit of the growing plant, instead of 
running off into the streams. In a farm horizontally and 
deeply ploughed, scarcely an ounce of soil is now carried 
off from it. In point of beauty nothing can exceed that 
of the waving lines & rows winding along the face of the 
hills & vallies. The horses draw much easier on the dead 
level, and it is in fact a conversion of hilly grounds into a 
plain. The improvement of our soil from this cause the 
last half dozen years, strikes every one with wonder. For 
this improvement we are indebted to my son-in-law, Mr. 
Randolph, the best farmer, I believe, in the United States, 
and who has taught us to make more than two blades of 
corn to grow where only one grew before. If your farm 
is hilly, let me beseech you to make a trial of this method. 
To direct the plough horizontally we take a rafter level 
of this form /$\. A boy of 13 or 14 is able to work it 
round the hill, a still smaller one with a little hough 
marking the points traced by the feet of the level. The 
plough follows running thro' these marks. The leveller 


having compleated one level line thro' the field, moves 
with his level 30 or 40 yards up or clown the hill, and 
runs another which is marked in like manner & traced by 
the plough, and having thus run what may be called 
guide furrows every 30 or 40 yards thro the field, the 
ploughman runs the furrows of the intervals parallel to 
these. In proportion, however, as the declivity of the hill 
varies in different parts of the line, the guide furrows will 
approach or recede from each other in different parts, and 
the parallel furrows will at length touch in one part, when 
far asunder in others, leaving unploughed gores between 
them. These gores we plough separately. They occasion 
short rows & turnings which are a little inconvenient, but 
not materially so. I pray you to try this recipe for hilly 
grounds. You will say with me, " Probatum est/' and I 
shall have the happiness of being of some use to you, and 
thro' your example to your neighbors, and of adding some- 
thing solid to the assurances of my great esteem & respect. 

Th : Jefferson. 

Charles W. Peale, Esq. 


Thomas Jefferson, Montlcello. 

Philad : July 8, 13. 

Dear Sir, — I hastily noted to you the reciept of your 
favor of the 18 th ul to , inclosing the mortgage of Higgin- 
botham. I sent at the same time the first volume of the 
Bareith memoirs.* I now send the second volume, & with 
it my sincere thanks for the perusal of the hauardage of 
this Princess, which has amused me much. I explained 
to you formerly how she came to be dressed up here in a 
new covering. 

* The well-known Memoirs of the Margravine of Baireuth, of which an edition was 
published in Paris in 1813. — Eds. 

1813.] WILLIAM SHORT. 181 

Correa * had fixed the day of his departure, but he 
allowed it to pass by on account of the excessive heat of 
that day. He is not the less firmly resolved to visit 
Monticello, & he is every day expecting to set out. He 
means now to go via Washington, but not to stop there. 
He has consulted, as he tells me, with M r Coles, the Pres ts 
secretary, who is here. As he goes by the stage, he will 
be obliged to take the route of Fredericksburgh. The 
harvest, I suppose, will last during the month of July. 
You may count with absolute certainty on Correa. He 
tells me no consideration could induce him to leave 
America without seeing you. 

I am not surprized that you seldom allow your mind to 
wander, as you say, into the political field ; a well culti- 
vated wheat field is a much more pleasing object. As to 
myself, living as I do, in the midst of those who feel & 
suffer too much from passing events to be able to abstract 
themselves from them, I am obliged to hear a great deal 
of political conversation. No one engages in it so little 
as I do, but yet I am unavoidably forced sometimes to 
speak instead of listening, or turning a deaf ear. I pre- 
fer, however, every other subject. On Politics as a mere 
speculative subject, the interlocutors so seldom understand 
each other that I am always surprized they are not dis- 
gusted themselves, to be thus wasting words. As well 
might they take up the old scholastic disputes, & ergoter 
on them ; but on the war, which is a practical & intel- 
ligible question, it is different. This is one which every 
man can understand, when passion is kept down, & on 
this, my opinion is fixed & settled, & I have no hesitation 
in giving it. The events hitherto have confirmed me but 
too much in it, & I fear that succeeding events will go 

* Jose Francois Correa da Serra, a Portuguese botanist and diplomatist, was born in 1750, 
and died in 1823. In 1813 he came to America, and lectured on botany for a short time. 
From 1816 to 1820 he was minister plenipotentiary from Portugal to the United States. 
See Nouvelle Biographie Gen^rale, tome xi. pp. 923-926; Lanman's Biographical Annals, 
p. 620. — Eds. 


on increasing & exagerating my conviction. That we 
have had a right to go to war with both England & France 
from the first year of their hostilities is what cannot be 
questioned by any man, I should suppose, of common 
sense & common candor ; but surely statesmen, whom we 
put over us to take care of our interests & our happiness 
are bound to have intelligence enough to be able to judge 
of the expediency as well as the right. Now if any of our 
rulers who have declared this war did really think it ex- 
pedient, at the time & in the manner, we have a right to 
say they had more need of guardians themselves than 
capacity to act as such (for this war will go immediately 
contrary to their own views & shew their real folly) ; and 
if they did not think it expedient for their country, & 
still declared it, then they must be left to their own con- 
sciences, which the succeeding & increasing execration of 
their countrymen will, I do not doubt, furnish with whips 
& stings. And this execration will not be confined to 
their party enemies ; in time it will be equally strong, if 
not more so, with their present friends & flatterers — 
those who are now toasting them & comparing them 
with heroes, sages, &c, & who will probably be so much 
ashamed of this vain & bombastical idolatry, that they 
will think it necessary to overwhelm the idols with re- 
proach & infamy, to shew how perfectly they are detached 
from them. 

I am always mortified when I see the public persisting 
in their idea, that you still direct the President ; my con- 
viction has ever been that you abstained altogether from 
interfering, & I have never failed to give this as my full 
conviction, founded on my knowlege of you, & pretend- 
ing to no positive information. But they have been so 
long accustomed to consider M r Madison as a mere ap- 
pendage to you, that nothing which another could say has 
any weight in changing that opinion. This is of that class 
of popular prejudices which the people in their sovereignty 

1813 ] WILLIAM SHORT. 183 

will never give up, and I think it one of the many mis- 
fortunes of public life in this country that this sovereign 
people not only act the tyrant in fixing on their servants 
opinions which are often the contrary of those they avow, 
but also make them responsible often for the follies of 
others, follies which perhaps they actually abhor. 

On the subject of the conquest of Canada : to judge 
from what I saw from Black Rock to Newark, the space 
of 33 miles, I should have said that the whole population 
would have joined our arms. They were all, with very 
few exceptions, settlers from America, & generally worth- 
less men who had no principle, & left our side on account 
of some vice. Hull has probably destroyed the confidence 
of such people, but still there can be no doubt that the U. 
S. could conquer the whole of Canada (except Quebec) even 
if the whole of the population were hostile to them. As 
to Quebec, I can have no opinion of my own, in opposition 
to that of the first military genius that has been ever on 
our territory. On speaking with him on this subject, he 
said most positively, that if the place was properly for- 
tified & properly defended, there would be a physical im- 
possibility in taking it from a power that commanded the 
sea. For, said he, when the river is frozen the earth is 
too hard for the siege ; & when the river is open, supplies 
can be brought. 

On the duration of the war, there must, as you say, be 
uncertainty. Nothing within my knowlege gives me any 
hope of its present termination. Unfortunately the Eng- 
lish, though they have many strong reasons for wishing 
its end, have many also for desiring its continuance under 
present circumstances, & also strong passions enlisted 
against us. There is no doubt that the war bears much 
harder on our government than it does on theirs, & if they 
can believe that the thermometer of our suffering is 100, 
& theirs only 50, they will be disposed to suffer a little 
longer, I fear, for the pleasure of seeing the torture of our 


administration, & with the hope of seeing the next Con- 
gress prepared for different measures. They have a Par- 
liament for near seven years, & who seem " up to the 
hub " men ; our Parliament changes every two years, & if 
the people become wearied & disgusted with the war, they 
will certainly send men averse to it also. 

The ways & means in the mean time will probably act 
as a stimulus in this way ; and if such men go to the next 
Congress as probably will go (the war, disgrace, taxes, 
&c, &c , continuing), there is great probability that M r 
Madison will be impeached for his agency in it, & if im- 
peached, under such a stimulus & such a charge, we can 
very well judge how, & with what calmness & impartiality 
he would be tried. Let us hope that such a series of 
events will not be exhibited, & pray that peace may come 
& relieve us all. 

I have been for some days indisposed with a bilious 
attack shewing signs of inflamation & dysentery. The 
doctor, aided by the apothecary & the bleeder, has restored 
me, & I purpose leaving this city for the Northward in a 
few days. Whenever you will do me the favor to let me 
hear from you, be pleased to direct to Philad. M r Taylor 
takes up my letters in my absence & forwards them. In 
all places & under all circumstances, believe me most 
affectionately yours, W. Siiort. 


Carlisle, Nov. S, 1813. 

Dear Sir, — I sent you about a twelve month ago, a 
copy of my edition of Justinian's Institutes, and another 
copy of my introductory lecture. I presume you received 
them, as I sent them, if I do not mistake, under M r Madi- 
son's care. 

I write at present to say that I have at my disposal D r . 
Priestley's library and apparatus. The library consists of 

1813.] THOMAS COOPER. 185 

about 4400 volumes of all descriptions, some of them very 
valuable. There are of course many theological works, 
but they are in a great measure such as a man of learning 
would like to possess for consultation. I value his library 
at 5000 dlrs, & his philosophical apparatus at 1000. Do 
you know any seminary likely to become purchaser ? If 
I could afford it they should not go out of my possession, 
but I cannot. I have offered them to William & Mary 
College at Williamsburgh in your State, from whence I 
have received an invitation as Chemical professor. I am 
strongly inclined to accept the invitation, if I thought the 
place was healthy, and I could have a good apparatus 
there, for I am looked at with great suspicion and distrust 
by a body of parsons who form a large part of the trustees 
of this college. I have done and said nothing since my 
two years' residence here to irritate in the slightest de- 
gree this genus irritabile. I have even gone to church 
with tolerable regularity, but I think they hate me with 
more cordiality because I have furnished them with no 
ground of complaint. 

This makes me uncomfortable here, although with my 
professorship and my authorship I make out to live toler- 
ably well. 

I have now published 3 numbers of the Emporium, each 
number containing about 160 or 170 pages, and coming 
out every two months. In my next I shall insert a paper 
on Political Economy, by D r . Erick Bollman, # written with 
talent, but, as I think, with very high-toned Federal feel- 
ings. Pray, is it a secret who wrote the Commentary on 
Montesquieu ? He ascribes it to you, but I have always 
understood it to be the work of a Frenchman, and written 
in French. I do not agree with it in toto, but it is a 
valuable work. 

* Eric Bollman was born in Hoya, Hanover, in 1769, and died in the West Indies in 
1821. He was concerned with Francis K. Huger in the attempt to effect the rescue of 
Lafayette from Olmutz. Subsequently he came to this country, and remained here for 
several years. See Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. i. p. 308. — Eds. 


Have you attended to the opinion of the judges in 
answer to Governor Strong's questions in the appendix 
to 8 th . Massach. Rep?* It seems to me a blow at the 
Union. I have been attacking it in a new paper published 
by I. Conrad, in Ph a , The American Register, but the 
Federalists chuckle at it. Adieu. Believe me, with sin- 
cere esteem, dear Sir, 

Your friend, 

Thomas Cooper. 


Philad a ., Jan. 18, 14. 

Dear Sir, — Your kind letter of the 9 th of Nov. was 
received here at the time. You mentioned that you were 
setting off for Bedford & would be absent a month. I 
postponed therefore acknowleging its receipt so long that 
I determined to wait until I should again hear from you 
as to Carter's affair after you had heard from him, so as 
to trouble you less often. But as I know my good country- 
men of the Carter stamp, I suppose it would be useless 
now to wait longer ; & I therefore take up my pen to re- 
turn you my very sincere thanks for your letter & par- 
ticularly for the determination which you are so good as 
there to express, of not suffering this Carter business " to 
rest until it is finally & justly settled." I am afraid it 
will give you a great deal of trouble, & out of all propor- 
tion to the value of the object ; but unsettled matters of 
this kind are so disagreeable to have on hand that I really 
have not the force to ask you to decline it, knowing as I 
do that without your kind & friendly agency it would lye 
over until all the tombs of the Carters were filled ; and I 
do not see how, even with your aid, Carter can be brought 
to the spot. Should he decline coming, would there be no 

* The questions related to the calling out and governing of the militia in time of war. 
See Lodge's Memoir of Caleh Strong, in Proceedings, vol.i. pp. 30G-310. — Eds. 

1814.] WILLIAM SHORT. 187 

means of proceeding without him ? And if it should be 
found that Monroe is well advised & entitled to the land, 
what would be my remedy against Carter ? I should sup- 
pose a suit for damages, or perhaps he would give his 
obligation to refund. As to M r H., he has his remedy in 
his own hands, but I hope he will not avail himself of it 
to decline paying his bond in April. Monroe would have 
saved us all a great deal of trouble if he would have urged 
his claim as he ought to have done, without leaving me 
to pay taxes on this land & finally sell it, if it really be- 
longs to him, which I hope will not be the case, when I 
consider that my survey must have been made so soon 
after his, & probably by the same surveyor. At any rate 
I am anxious for its final ascertainment. And I shall 
consider the termination as a desperate case, if it be neces- 
sary to have both Monroe & Carter present, but I hope 
there would be some means of proceeding without them, 
& that they might be brought to consent to the running 
of the line in the manner you mention by a surveyor. 

M r Higginbotham has as yet said nothing of the rent 
which he assumed & which was due the 1 st of this 
month. He will subject me both to disappointment & 
loss if he should not keep his engagement for April, 
because I intend to subscribe to the Government loan 
that is coming out. As the payment is made by in- 
stallments in these loans, it adds much to the con- 
venience, because a person can subscribe for a larger 
sum than he has on hand, & count on future receipts 
towards paying up future installments. 

I regret as much as any person can the lamentable 
change of system which has taken place as to our 
finances since you left the helm of government ; but as 
I cannot prevent the present holders of the purse strings 
from spending so wantonly, & of course borrowing so 
ruinously, & as I am also to pay my proportion of the 
taxes consequent on these spendthrift extravagancies, 


it is my intention to save myself as much as I can by 
becoming a participator in the benefits of the lenders, 
as I must be in the burthens of the payers. Few people 
have an idea of the advantage of placing money in this 
way, & still fewer would believe that the power given 
to M r Gallatin for raising this money, & the means he 
had of abusing that power to his own emolument (I am 
far from saying or believing that he did abuse it), was 
such as no British ministry ever had or could dream of 
having. And yet we all believe that we the people of 
these U. S. are the most cautious of trusting our power, 
& have our servants the most under our control, of all 
the others, whom we consider as so many slaves & dupes 
to their governors. The fact is that not one in an hun- 
dred of us sovereigns know in what manner this money 
was treated for; & yet the press is free & we are all wise 
& of course capable of judging, but the tone of public 
opinion is lost & buried in party spirit. Had this negotia- 
tion been in open day, & had M r G. obtained the loan at 
par, it would have been equally abused & complained of 
by the Federal editors. And their abusing an operation is 
of itself sufficient to insure the full approbation of the op- 
posite party ; of course let the leaders of one party do 
what they may (give the public bonds of 100 dollars for 
every fifty that they touch in cash, instead of for every 
88 or 88J dollars in cash, as they did in the last two loans), 
they are sure of being abused by one set & this will insure 
their applause by the other. And where then is the sub- 
serviency of these servants of the people, or their responsi- 
bility to the people ? 

Congress, in the first instance, gave the President the 
power of taking up 16 millions at any rate at which he 
could get it ; he could only make the bonds bear 6 p c*, 
but he could sell these bonds in the market for what they 
would bring. They advertized for a competition of lend- 
ers as the British Chancellor of the Exchequer does, but 

1814.] WILLIAM SHORT. 189 

there the parallel ends, for the whole loan not being sub- 
scribed, M r G. came here & treated a huis clos for about 
10 millions, in a tete-a-tete with M r Parish ; & this agree- 
ment was in its nature final ; neither the President or the 
Congress could have a vote after that. This loan was 
fixed at 88. It depended on M r G. & M r P., of their own 
will jointly, to fix it at any other rate. Such a latitude, 
& to such an amount, never has been for the play of pots 
de vin & all the other little expedients so well known to 
money dealers. I thought at the time how brave & un- 
daunted M r G. must be when I recollected how much I 
had trembled when ordered to Amsterdam to borrow one 
tenth of that sum in the first instance. I felt how much 
it put it in the power of suspicion & malevolence to abuse 
me, and at that date there was some bound to these hate- 
ful principles. There was one only remedy, & that I was 
so fortunate as to be able to resort to, so as to put at 
defiance the possibility of suspicion. The bonus to be 
allowed the bankers was the only part in which there 
could be deception, & I resolved, therefore, that it should be 
so low as to shew to all there could not be abuse. They re- 
sisted the reduction, which was so far below what had been 
allowed, & only undertook to make the loan conditionally 
for it, saying they should be able to satisfy the President 
that it was less than it ought to be, & would rely on his 
justice & generosity to increase it. They appealed to him, 
stated the expenses at which they were in procuring the 
loan, & he thought it reasonable to allow the addition they 
asked. To this I had no objection because I did really 
believe it was just, but it shewed to demonstration that I 
had not made such an allowance as could admit of the 
possibility of abuse. I then had the hope of being re- 
warded by the mission to Paris, & did suppose that by 
meriting the President's approbation I should stand before 
those who had not been at all employed abroad. The 
event did not, as you know, realize my hopes, & shewed 


that other requisites are better, under our form of govern- 
ment, than experience or antecedent approbation of our 

But this is an old story & a great aberration from the 
subject of the present letter. However, I find that, in 
proportion as my ambitious propensities die away, those of 
avarice increase. This is generally the case, I believe, & 
particularly as years increase. And the present govern- 
ment has so completely assumed the character of those 
young spendthrifts who have a large real estate, but no 
money for present exigencies, & send their bonds into mar- 
ket with a mortgage on every thing, that every avaricious 
money holder is as much excited by present prospects as 
the Jews are when a young heir apparent comes on the 
tapis. I count on 100 dollars at 6 p ct for every 88 or 90 
dollars, perhaps for every 85, that I can command for the 
next six or eight months, during which the installments 
will probably be receivable. The appointment of such a 
man as Clay, who, as a Kentuckian, surely cannot sign a 
treaty giving up the Canadas, or at least Upper Canada, 
will make the loan several p. cent lower ; the smallest 
gain that I have heard mentioned by the money lenders 
for them is 2 p ct ; that is, if he had not been appointed 
they expected to give 90 for the 100, but now not more 
than 88. So the world goes, & I really begin to feel great 
disgust with it. 

Correa is here & has been for some time. He was en- 
chanted with Monticello & delighted with its owner, & 
intends repeating his visit in the spring or summer. He 
is very partial to Virginia ; but for the slave part he 
thinks it the first of the States, & says if ever there be an 
epic poem in the U. S. it will be born there. I have re- 
ceived from the Abbe Rochon a micrometer of his inven- 
tion, & also a telescope of Platina. If I should have an 
opportunity I should be very glad to shew you the mi- 
crometer, as I think it would interest you. Let me, if you 

1814.] WILLIAM SHORT. 191 

please, have the pleasure of hearing from you. Say to 
C 01 Randolph how much I regretted not finding him at 
home when here. I desired C 01 Coles to say the same to 
him. Believe me ever & truly your friend & servant. 

W. Short. 


Philad a , March 3, 14. 

Dear Sir, — I had the pleasure of writing to you on 
the 26 th ult°, & have since received your favor of the 23 d , 
for which I beg leave here to return my thanks. Con- 
formably with what I then announced, I now send the 
work of Dupont which you were so good as to lend 
me* I despair of seeing any general system of education 
established during my day. I should, however, be much 
gratified if I could live to see a fair experiment of what 
would be the effect on our people of such a system. 
The good, I think, would be great indeed. It would 
certainly be the best means of extirpating the very great 
evil of " Blackstone Lawyers & Sangrado Doctors," who 
are increasing in the country as fast as another dreadful 
evil, the Banks, & for which I see no preventative & no 
cure but after very great suffering. To the old Bank- 
phobia has succeeded an incurable Bank-mania. I fore- 
saw this evil from the time of my arrival in this country, 
& made my arrangements accordingly. I have ceased 
for many years being a share holder. Those who continue 
may, by the fluctuation of things, gain a good deal in 
speculating, but ultimately must lose, I should suppose. 

Your opinion as to the probability of peace gives me 
real pleasure. I have kept it to myself, because I know 
how it would fly. When asked for my own opinion, as I 

* The work referred to was probably the treatise by Du Pont de Nemours, " Sur l'Edu- 
cation Nationale dans les Etats-Unis d'Amerique," published at Paris in 1812. — Eds. 


frequently am, I give it without hesitation, stating always 
that I consider it of little worth, as indeed is the case ; 
but if your opinion were known it would be decisive with 
many, who insist on thinking that your influence on 
M r M. is without a balance. I have no doubt that M r M. 
must from the nature of things wish for peace ; but it 
seems to me there must be great obstacles in the way. 
There is no reason certainly why England should yield 
any point now that was refused when the war begun, & 
at the same time I do not see how M r M. can, after having 
subjected us to all the horrors of war, — all the demorali- 
zation & distress which it has brought on, all the danger 
to liberty, which he has so often & so well told us laid 
embosomed in an increasing debt, onerous loans, & conse- 
quent taxes, — how he can, I say, let us down precisely 
where he took us up, in a statu quo ante. If the boon of 
peace arrive, I suppose it must be by some of those mezzi 
termini, which it is the talent of able negotiators to dis- 
cover. I do not think M r Clay is a very skilful choice 
for such a search. The last sentiment of the public will 
of Kentucky, which he carries with him, is a resolve not 
to yield the Canadas. Should he be daring enough to go 
against this in putting his signature to a treaty, it would 
not surprize me to hear he was tarred & feathered on his 
return there. As he is no doubt sufficiently aware of 
this, & as indeed the Kentucky democracy is the only 
basis on which he stands, & which could have possibly 
put him into an ambassadorial chair, he will not, I should 
think, let that slip from under him. However, there are 
enough to sign without him, & if we, the people, should 
not have the benefit of his signature, we shall not the 
less have to pay for his services. For my part, I shall be 
happy to see peace once more in the land. Experience 
has sufficiently confirmed what reason foresaw, that the 
happy form of our government is not calculated for 
military enterprise & glory. It has always seemed to me 

1814.] WILLIAM SHORT. 19 

absurd to be endangering our domestic liberty in pursuit 
of other objects, even if we could attain them. It is the 
fable revived of the dog losing the substance in catching 
at the shadow. I cannot help regretting that the experi- 
ment was not made of allowing commerce to take care 
of itself. D r Priestley has somewhere suggested this in a 
way that might have been beneficial to our legislators. 
So far as any objection is derivable from the idea of 
national honor, the moment was a favorable one. For 
when such nations as France & England have resolved to 
abolish all public law, & put force in the place of right & 
usage, I do not see that there can be any more disgrace 
in weak governments allowing individuals (their citizens 
whom they are unable to protect) to shift for themselves 
on the ocean, & make their own way, than in the govern- 
ments of France & England descending (from a view to 
political expediency) to purchase exemption & safety for 
their subjects, from the Dey of Algiers, for instance. I 
once gave a hint of this sort to Monroe after he became 
Sec. of State. But he probably could not listen then 
with that ear, & I have no doubt he acted much more 
prudently & properly for himself. We are told now his 
chance for the Presidency is the best. It certainly would 
have been no chance at all if he had adopted these ideas. 
The Western States would never have pardoned his thus 
abandoning the sailors' rights. And now that a war has 
been undertaken on the subject, I will not pretend to 
decide that it could be relinquished with honor for the 
purpose of trying a different remedy. Still, I regret that 
it was not tried at its proper time. Every year in this 
way would have been giving us more bone, & made us 
more able to act efficiently when we should have found it 

I rejoice with you that the devastating career of Bona- 
parte has been stopped, & his conquests rescued from him. 
Had the great & good Moreau lived, relief would have 



been extended also to France ; & I do not doubt the new 
dynasty would have become an abortion. As it is, the 
issue is doubtful. Correa says the affair is now taken 
into chancery, & will of course be long. He is much 
pleased by your kind recollection of him, & will be still 
more so to hear from you, as you promise. It would 
make me very happy indeed to be able to accompany him 
& pay you my respects in person. As I remain stationary 
during the winter, I shall be obliged in the spring to go 
to N. York, where I have interests that require my pres- 
ence. I flatter myself every year with the hope of again 
seeing Monticello, but I find myself so controlled by my 
New York affairs that I am often disappointed. It shall 
certainly not be my fault if I do not realize the hope 
of again seeing you, & renewing the assurances of those 
sentiments which have grown up with me, which time 
has fortified, & with which I am, dear Sir, most truly & 

Your friend & servant, 

W. Short. 


Burlington, May 10, 1SU. 

Sir, — I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of 
your note. I shall think myself happy to have done the 
least to oblige a man to whom every virtuous American will 
readily acknowledge himself under so many obligations. 

I take the liberty to send you one of my orations. It 
was written in haste, and in obedience to the wishes of 
our corporation. It became my duty to defend the study 

* Rev. Jason Chamberlain, Professor of Greek and Latin in the University of Vermont, 
from 1811 to 1814, was born in Holliston, Mass., Feb. 9, 1783, and graduated at Brown 
University in 1804. In 1808 he was settled over the Congregational Church in Guilford, 
Vt. After the expiration of his term of service in the University he went to Missouri, and 
practised law. He was accidentally drowned in Arkansas in 1820. See Oilman's Bibliog- 
raphy of Vermont, p. 285. — Eds. 

1814. J WILLIAM SHORT. 195 

of the languages, which I sincerely think is useful. I 
would not, however, introduce them to the exclusion of 
one of the sciences, and I would also recommend the study 
of the modern languages, and particularly the French, to 
the one who is desirous of a finished education. 

We have every reason to believe that our Lake (Champ- 
lain) was formerly much larger than at present. Our 
large flats have every appearance of having been over- 
flowed. Lake shells are found in great abundance in the 
rocks more than two miles from the lake. They may be 
taken entire by breaking the stones of which they com- 
pose a part. The aspect of the land and the quality of 
the soil indicate that the waters have receded some dis- 
tance from their former banks. I believe that some 
of the barriers in the St. Lawrence have in times past 
broken away, and that all the lakes are much smaller 
than they were in former ages. I suggest this idea be- 
cause I know that you have not been inattentive to the 
natural history of our country, while your administration 
forms so splendid a period in our civil history. 

With veneration for your publick character and private 

I am your most obedient, 

Jason Chamberlain. 

The Hon. Tho. Jefferson, Esq. 


Philadelphia, June 9, 14. 

Dear Sir, — M r Rives has presented to me the letter by 
which you were so kind as to make us acquainted. He has 
been here now some days & I have been very much pleased 
with him. His being your friend would have insured him 
at any rate my attention, but I really return you my 
thanks for having procured me so agreeable an acquaint- 


a.nce. I have taken pleasure in introducing M r Rives to 
such of my friends here as I thought would be most agree- 
able to him. It is, however, an unfavorable season for a 
stranger to visit Philadelphia, as many of the inhabitants 
are absent in the country. I have procured M r Rives the 
means of seeing the loom you wished him to examine, 
which was more than I had done myself, but it always so 
happens that what we can see at any time, we are apt to 
postpone at all times. This at least was always the case 
with me to a great degree, but now more than ever, for 
I perceive a general insouciance growing on me. I en- 
deavour to persuade myself that this mode of acting with 
me is the result of sound philosophy ; but it is probable 
that I flatter myself, & that in fact I am indebted for it 
to disposition & circumstances. • I see nothing within my 
attainment worth taking any trouble about, & content 
myself therefore with avoiding evil rather than pursuing 
any positive good. In this way I have gone on so far 
without even having a house to live in myself or receive a 
friend, merely to avoid the trouble of housekeeping. I 
purchased a house here on my return to America for the 
purpose, but on closer examination gave up the plan, & I 
believe I have done better, in my present disposition of 
mind, to content myself with the life of a boarding house. 
My friends urge me much to change my " free & un- 
housed condition," but though I have no apprehension 
from the. example of Othello, yet I do not feel that exclu- 
sive attraction to one particular object, which with me 
would be a sine qua non to a contract of this kind. I have 
no doubt, however, that I should have done wiser to have 
adopted this measure in earlier life. Probably the having 
been once on the very border of this state, & finding the 
effect which time produced on that disposition, would 
make me more cautious as to the entering into it without 
the possibility of return. I do not the less, however, be- 
lieve that in this country more than any other the married 

1814.] WILLIAM SHORT. 197 

state is a desirable one. Our friend Correa says that it 
is a country where there is beaucoup de bonhear & pen de 
plaisir, & this seems to me a good definition of the 
state of mariage, perfectly conformable to the maxim of 
La Rochefoucauld. 

Apropos of Correa, he has left us for his western ex- 
cursion via Pittsburgh ; he will go through Ohio, Ken- 
tucky, &c., & enter Virginia by the southwestern frontier 
& pay you a visit en passant. This is a long & painful 
journey for a man at his time of life, & what is worse, 
with a disorder that disables from riding on horseback. 
It is being roue indeed to go on wheels over such a dis- 
tance of such roads. The prospect of Monticello at the 
end of his route, he says, will support him in it. 

I do not know whether the manner in which the Allies 
have conducted themselves at Paris will reconcile Correa 
to their having passed the Rhine. He wished the end of 
Bonaparte as much as any body, but he was not recon- 
ciled to the counter revolution by the Allies. In his plan 
they were not to have crossed the Rhine, & when he left 
us he had not yet pardoned them for it. It is difficult, 
however, to concieve that this great & momentous busi- 
ness could have been effected in an easier & better manner 
than was done after the Allies entered Paris. It is the 
best thing that could have happened for France & all 
Europe. Indeed, for many years back, from the time 
that Bonaparte proved that his only object was to erect a 
permanent despotism on the anarchy he had destroyed, I 
was convinced that the restoration of the Bourbons was 
the most desirable event for France. I used every argu- 
ment in my power to inspire the great & the good Moreau 
with this sentiment. He came to this country very differ- 
ently impressed with respect to the Bourbons, notwith- 
standing he was banished under the pretext of being 
their partisan. His mind whilst here had undergone a 
total change on this subject. Our friend Correa refuses 


to subscribe to this opinion, however, & he was certainly 
intimate with Moreau; but I think his own feelings have 
led him into error on this point. For Moreau, who was 
made up of honor & candor, was incapable of duplicity. 
I saw the progress of this revolution in his sentiments ; it 
was slow & perceptible, & proceeded from his acquaint- 
ance & intimacy with a fellow exile & companion in mis- 
fortune, more than from any other circumstance. This 
was De Neuville (who brought you a letter from M de 
d'Houdetot), one of the best, most noble, honest, & disin- 
terested hearts that I ever met with. He was the active 
& intrepid agent of Louis 18, & exiled to this country 
after running ten thousand risks ; here his acquaint- 
ance with Moreau begun. They had a common enemy, 
they were both strangers in a foreign land, both good 
Frenchmen ; an unreserved intimacy soon grew between 
them. Moreau knew that de Neuville was incapable of 
deception or dissimulation. De Neuville was personally 
acquainted with the character & disposition of L. 18, & 
thus by degrees removed the prejudices with which 
Moreau had grown up in his public life against the 
whole of that race ; that done, the great difficulty was 
overcome. In the last conversation which I had with Mo- 
reau, I found that no apprehension remained in his mind 
but that which arose from the influence of the priests, 
which he feared would exist under the Bourbons ; but 
on the whole he had no doubt that their restoration by 
the will of the French people would be the most desirable 
event that could take place for France. I sincerely hope 
& believe that the consequences will be such as Moreau 
contemplated. And now that the general interests are 
provided for, all my anxiety is to hear of my private 
friends, & learn what has been their fate in this new &, 
I hope, last revolution. Poor Lafayette & his Merinos 
were on the very route by which the armies passed, & I 
much fear the Cossacks will have been wolves in his fold. 

1814.] WILLIAM SHORT. 199 

The country seat of M de de La Rochefoucauld was also on 
the route ; the allied armies were three times in advanc- 
ing & retiring at La Ferte sous Jouarre. Her house is 
the most visible object in the neighborhood, & will, with- 
out doubt, have attracted their notice. She herself was 
not there at that season, & she had no Merinos, but the 
furniture was valuable. 

In the midst of my rejoicing for this return of peace 
to France, I cannot help feeling a drawback on account 
of our unfortunate situation. I have little hope of peace 
for ourselves. It could now only come from our enemy 
copying the magnanimity & disinterested policy of the 
virtuous Alexander. I should as soon expect, with 
Horace, to see the wild deer suspended in the branches 
of the lofty forest. We have, I fear, nothing but disaster 
before us, — a long & disgraceful war followed by an 
humiliating & disgraceful peace. As we have as yet sent 
only five ministers in pursuit of this peace, & as our rulers 
seem to have confidence in numbers, I think when Congress 
meet they will do well to send the whole Committee of 
Foreign Relations. If they could have disposed of this 
committee at the time of declaring war, with the virtuous 
patriotic, & brave Peter B. Porter at their head, we might 
perhaps have preserved peace, & been able now with all 
Europe to sit down to a table of concord, instead of the 
war feast which they called us to. 

If I were not ashamed I would again trouble you as 
to the boundary business. But you have had so much 
trouble already, & I am so sure you will have it settled if 
you can, that I will not importune you at this moment. 
Monroe must have so many other important subjects in his 
head that this must be to him invisible. I will for the 
present bid you adieu, then, with renewed assurances of 
the invariable sentiments with which I am, dear Sir, 
Your friend & servant, 

W. Short. 



Washington, July 31st, 1814. 

Dear Sir, — I never took up my pen with more hesi- 
tation or felt more embarrassment than I now do in 
addressing you on the subject of this letter. The fear of 
appearing presumptuous distresses me, and would deter 
me from venturing thus to call your attention to a sub- 
ject of such magnitude, and so beset with difficulties, as 
that of a general emancipation of the slaves of Virginia, 
had I not the highest opinion of your goodness and liber- 
ality, in not only excusing me for the liberty I take, but 
in justly appreciating my motives in doing so. 

I will not enter on the right which man has to enslave 
his brother man, nor upon the moral and political effects 
of slavery on individuals or on society ; because these 
things are better understood by you than by me. My 
object is to entreat and beseech you to exert your knowl- 
edge and influence in devising, and getting into operation, 
some plan for the gradual emancipation of slavery. This 
difficult task could be less exceptionably, and more suc- 
cessfully performed by the revered fathers of all our 
political and social blessings than by any succeeding 
statesmen ; and would seem to come with peculiar pro- 
priety and force from those whose valor, wisdom, and 
virtue have done so much in meliorating the condition of 
mankind. And it is a duty, as I conceive, that devolves 
particularly on you, from your known philosophical, and 
enlarged view of subjects, and from the principles you 

* Edward Coles was born in Albemarle County, Virginia, Dec. 15, 1786, and was edu- 
cated at Hampden-Sidney College and at William and Mary College, where he graduated 
in 1807. From 1810 to 181G lie was private secretar}' to President Madison; and in the 
following year he was sent on a confidential mission to Russia. In 1819 he removed to 
Illinois, and freed all his slaves, giving to each head of a family a quarter-section of land. 
From 1823 to 1820 he was Governor of Illinois, and during his term of office prevented 
the slavery extensionists from obtaining control of the State. In 1833 he removed 
to Philadelphia, where he died July 7, 18G8. See Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American 
Biography, vol. i. p. 687; Lanman's Biographical Annals, p. 90. — Eds. 

1814.] EDWARD COLES. 201 

have professed and practiced through a long and useful 
life, pre-eminently distinguished, as well by being fore- 
most in establishing on the broadest basis the rights of 
man, and the liberty and independence of your country, 
as in being throughout honored with the most important 
trusts by your fellow-citizens, whose confidence and love 
you have carried with you into the shades of old age and 
retirement. In the calm of this retirement you might, 
most beneficially to society, and with much addition to 
your own fame, avail yourself of that love and confidence 
to put into complete practice those hallowed principles 
contained in that renowned Declaration-, of which you 
were the immortal author, and on which we bottomed 
our right to resist oppression and establish our freedom 
and independence. 

I hope that the fear of failing, at this time, will have 
no influence in preventing you from employing your pen 
to eradicate this most degrading feature of British colo- 
niel policy, which is still permitted to exist, notwith- 
standing its repugnance as well to the principles of our 
revolution as to our free institutions. For however 
highly prized and influential your opinions may now be, 
they will be still much more so when you shall have been 
snatched from us by the course of nature. If, therefore, 
your attempt should now fail to rectify this unfortunate 
evil — an evil most injurious both to the oppressed and 
to the oppressor — at some future day when your memory 
will be consecrated by a grateful posterity, what influence, 
irresistible influence, will the opinions and writings of 
Thomas Jefferson have on all questions connected with 
the rights of man, and of that policy which will be the 
creed of your disciples. Permit me, then, my dear Sir, 
again to in treat you to exert your great powers of mind 
and influence, and to employ some of your present leisure 
in devising a mode to liberate one half of our fellowbe- 
ings from an ignominious bondage to the other, either by 


making an immediate attempt to put in train a plan to 
commence this goodly work, or to leave human nature the 
invaluable testament, which you are so capable of doing, 
how best to establish its rights ; so that the weight of 
your opinion may be on the side of emancipation when 
that question shall be agitated, — and that it will be, 
sooner or later, is most certain. That it may be soon is 
my most ardent prayer ; that it will be rests with you. 

I will only add, as an excuse for the liberty I take in 
addressing you on this subject, which is so particularly 
interesting to me, that from the time I was capable of 
reflecting on the nature of political society, and of the 
rights appertaining to man, I have not only been princi- 
pled against slavery, but have had feelings so repugnant 
to it as to decide me not to hold them ; which decision 
has forced me to leave my native State, and with it all 
my relations and friends. This, I hope, will be deemed by 
you some excuse for the liberty of this intrusion, of which 
I gladly avail myself to assure you of the very great re- 
spect and esteem with which I am, my dear Sir, your very 
sincere and devoted friend, 

Edward Coles. 

Th : Jefferson. 


Monticello, Aug. 20, 14. 

Dear Sir, — Since my short letter by Mr. Rives I have 
to acknolege the reciept of your two favors of June 9 & 
July 30. A few days before the last came to hand I had 
written to Col . Monroe, & prayed him to name a day in 
the autumn (when the fall of the leaves shall have ren- 
dered a survey in the woods practicable), and to procure 
an engagement from Champe Carter to attend and let us 
have a surveyor and arbitrators on the spot to settle the 
questioned boundary. I delayed answering your last let- 
ter in the hope that he might in the instant of recieving 


my letter write to me off-hand. Having failed to do this, 
the time of his answering is too indefinite to postpone 
further the giving you the present state & prospect of the 
business which you desire. 

The state of the case is this : John Carter, eldest son 
of the family, sold to Monroe, bounding him " on the 
South by a run on the Eastern side of Dick's plantation, 
& running thence to the source of the sd. run," but no 
line was actually marked or examined by either party. It 
is said that John Carter had no right to sell, but that 
Champe, from family considerations, concluded to ac- 
quiesce. I do not know that this fact is true, having it 
only from neighborhood report. Champe afterwards sold 
to you, and attended us in surveying & marking the line. 
Ascending the run far above Dick's plantation, it forked, 
each run being equally large & extending nearly to the 
top of the mountain, but the southern branch something 
the nearest. We knew nothing of the line specified in 
Monroe's deed, but Mr. Carter, professing to know it & to 
lead the surveyor, started from the fork and run a straight 
line between the two branches to the top of the mountain, 
thus dividing the interval which the two branches ren- 
dered doubtful ; but not a word of any doubt was then 
expressed ; I presumed he knew what was right and was 
doing it. Col . Monroe, sometime after his return from 
Europe, ment d . to me in conversation that the line as run 
between you & him by Mr. Carter, was as he had been 
informed, questionable, but he could not then explain to 
me how ; nor did I ever learn how till after the sale to 
Higgenbotliam. Indeed from the continued silence on 
the subject I believed the claim dropped till I recieved a 
line from Higgenbotham informing me Mr. Hay had noti- 
fied him of it, and Col°. M. soon afterwards called on me, 
shewed his deed, and explained to me for the first time 
the nature of his claim. We agreed that Mr. Carter 
should be desired to attend, that we would take two 


neighbors as arbitrators, go on the land and settle the 
question on view. The topics of your right are these : 
I. If Champe Carter's confirmation of John's sale were 
necessary to supply the defect of title, then the demarca- 
tion of the line which he made in person was a declaration 
of the precise extent to which he did confirm. II. The 
run, which was made the boundary to it's source, branch- 
ing by the way, and each branch being equally entitled 
to be considered as the run whose source was to decide, 
neither could claim exclusively to be called Dick's run ; 
the compromise made by Mr. Carter by running the line 
between them was a fair one, and after an acquiescence of 
21 years, and that length of actual & adverse possession 
in you, ought to be considered as satisfactory to the parties, 
and especially when no effective step had been taken to 
maintain a contrary claim till after the land had been long 
notified as for sale, & a sale actually made ; the delay of 
the settlement has entirely rested with the other party. 
Price, who knows the two branches, thinks there may be 
about 25 acres between them, one half of which only is 
within the actual line. 

Next, as to the prospect. On closing this letter I shall 
write to John Carter, who lives in Amherst, for informa- 
tion as to his right and his idea of the boundary, & if his 
information is of consequence I shall either get his deposi- 
tion taken by consent of parties, or require his personal 
attendance as a witness. I must press upon Col . Monroe 
the fixing a day when he can attend, and some one to act 
for him if he does not attend. Champe Carter, I suppose, 
will readily agree to be bound if he does not attend. I 
should have been very confident of finishing this at Mon- 
roe's next visit, for he is anxious to finish it, but that the 
call of Congress the 19 th of Sep. will render his attendance 
difficult. If so, I will endeavor to prevail on him to ap- 
point some one here to act for him ; for his personal 
presence cannot be of much importance. 

1814.] WILLIAM A. BURWELL. 205 

I think the downfall of Bonaparte a great blessing for 
Europe, which never could have had peace while he was 
in power. Every national society there also will be re- 
stored to their antient limits, and to the kind of govern- 
ment, good or bad, which they chuse. I believe the 
restoration of the Bourbons is the only point on which 
France could be rallied, and that their re-establishment is 
better for that country than civil wars, whether they 
should be a peaceable nation under a fool or a warring 
one under a military despot of genius. To us alone this 
brings misfortune. It rids of all other enemies a tyran- 
nical nation, fully armed, and deeply embittered by the 
wrongs they have done us. They may greatly distress 
individuals in their circumstances ; but the soil and the 
men will remain unconquerable by them, and drinking 
deeper daily a more deadly, unquenchable, and everlast- 
ing hatred to them. How much less money would it cost 
to them and pain to us, to nourish mutual affections & 
mutual interests & happiness. But the destructive pas- 
sions seem to have been implanted in man, as one of the 
obstacles to his too great multiplication. While we are 
thus gnawed, however, by national hatreds we retire with 
delight into the bosom of our individual friendships ; in 
the full feeling of which I salute you affectionately. 

Th : Jefferson. 

Mr. Short. 


Wash ton , Sept. 21st, 1814. 

D E Sir, — It was my intention to have called at 
Warren, but the unexpected call of C. & the necessity of 

* William A. Burwell was a warm friend of Jefferson, and at one time his private 
secretary. From 1806 to his death he was one of the Kepresentatives in Congress from 
Virginia. He died in Washington Feb. 16, 1821. (See Lanman's Biographical Annals, 
p. 60.) The address of this letter has not been preserved, but it was probably written to 
Wilson C. Nicholas. — Eds. 


visiting Bal. previous to the meeting renderd it impossi- 
ble. The Pt's message, which I have forwarded, will give 
you all the information of a public nature ; I can not add 
much to it. 

I have never witnessed a period of more difficulty, tho 
I do not entirely despair ; if we can command funds to 
maintain ourselves during this campaign I have hopes the 
war will be terminated ; this I acknowledge is a view of 
our affairs too favorable to be relied upon. Perhaps the 
British may penetrate the full extent of our difficulties, &, 
instead of terminating the war after inflicting upon the 
seaboard satisfactory vengeance, cherish hopes of con- 
quest by persevering in the war. It would be dangerous 
to hold out the idea of preparing only for -this campaign ; 
if possible we should lay the foundation for permanent 
resistance by providing money & filling the Regular 
Army. I have most serious fears the first can not be 
accomplishd ; the parties still hang aloof from each other, 
& without some concurrence of feeling & action public 
credit must fail. Nothing can effectually defend the 
country but Regulars ; the calls upon militia considerd 
as to efficiency, expence, discontent, &c, cannot be con- 
tinued without entirely deranging the operations of the 
war, & hasarding the tranquility of the country. Of the 
events which accompanied the capture of the City it is 
impossible to speak without disgust. You cannot con- 
ceive more confusion & dismay among the commanders ; 
all the intelligent people of the District think the 
enemy might have been foiled, & perhaps taken, if every 
obstruction within the means of our commanders had 
been placed in their way. The effect had nearly proved 
fatal to Baltimore, but the check given them by Gen'l S.* 
& the brave firmness of the officers & men in the fort 
have restored confidence to the citizens. It is wonderful 

* Gen. John Strieker, to whom had been intrusted the defence of Baltimore. — Eds. 

1814.] WILLIAM SHORT. 207 

that the fort was not destroyd ; the B. threw 1000 shells 
when the men were uncoverd, & the magazine not made 
bomb proof. They fell in every direction, & marks of 
their destructive effects visible everywhere. This fatal 
negligence has been repaired & Com. Rodgers assured me 
on Saturday evening that in 48 hours he would defy 
them. After their failure upon the fort, they passed 
under cover of the night above the fort up the ferry 
branch near Spring Garden, from which they could throw 
their bombs in to the Town ; they were so confident of 
success when they gaind this position that they gave nine 
cheers, which were answerd by a most tremendous can- 
nonade from two forts mann'd by sailors erected to meet 
such an event. They appear to have been ignorant of 
this defence, and retreated with the utmost precipitation. 
The repulse of the enemy from B. will enable the people 
to prepare more effectually, but I have no doubt they will 
renew the attack the moment reinforcements are obtaind, 
& I fear the undisciplind valor of our countrymen will not 
be equal to the discipline [of] the B. I never felt more 
anxiety for the fate of any place, because I was satisfied 
success would have been follow'd by the total destruction 
of the labors of years & one of the most useful towns in 
the Union. It is most probable these details have all 
been anticipated by letters from your friends in B. Please 
remember me to M r P. & the family. 

Your friend, 



Philadelphia, Oct. 28, 14. 

Dear Sir, — Your favor of the 20 th of August followed 
me in my summer's tour & overtook me whilst on the 
road. I postponed, therefore, acknowleging it until my 
return to winter quarters. I have been not the less 


grateful for your kindness & the trouble you are taking 
to bring to a happy conclusion the disputed limits be- 
tween Monroe & myself. If his presence should be really 
necessary, or even his personal agency be made by him a 
sine quam 7ion, I fear these limits will remain as long un- 
settled as those brought forward at Ghent are likely to be. 
I have always known Monroe to be dilatory, always be- 
hind his business, always hurried, & of course unable to 
attend to any but those calls which are most imperious & 
force his mind. Now in the midst of so many other 
louder & more imperious calls furnished by the duties of 
his public & double offices * I have little hope that this 
little microscopic & silent object which has been allowed 
to sleep for so many years, can now make itself to be 
either seen or heard. And the more so, as its result at 
best might only be to awaken an old & silent debt, in- 
stead of adding to the extent of his territory. I believe 
I mentioned to you that M r Carter had been here & told 
me what had passed on this subject. On hearing of this 
claim of Monroe it awakened on his side a claim which 
he had also against him for the land he had sold him. 
He said the balance due was about equal to the land 
claimed by Monroe, & he had proposed to him, I think, to 
set off one against the other, as the easiest & best mode of 
terminating the business, if Monroe's claim should prove 
to be founded. But this mode of paying old debts did 
not probably meet Monroe's approbation, as nothing fur- 
ther has been done on the subject. For myself I feel a 
great desire to have it settled in one way or other ; not so 
much from the value of the subject as from an inherent 
aversion which I feel to having things in an unset- 
tled state. You mentioned, as the call of Congress 
would render Monroe's attendance impossible, you would 
endeavor to prevail on him to appoint some one to act for 

* Mr. Monroe was Secretary of State, and at this time he was also discharging the 
duties of Secretary of War. — Eds. 


him, so as to finish the affair. I suppose he has not done 
this, & I regret it ; for as to his acting or attending in 
person I consider it out of the question, and if he does not 
substitute some one the thing must go on without end. 

I think with you on the subject of the downfall of 
Bonaparte. I believe, however, that as our war was 
begun & carried on, his continuance in power would not 
have given us peace. The war, to be sure, could not 
have been carried on against us by our enemy with the 
same violence, nor would his terms have been so outra- 
geous, but yet many causes of war would have existed 
which have ceased by the peace of Europe, & I am per- 
suaded our Western statesmen would have remained too 
sensitive on the rights of sailors to have admitted of a 
return to the ways of peace in defiance of John Bull's 
prejudices. There is always more difficulty in resuming 
peace than in avoiding war. Of this our great statesmen 
do not seem to have been aware. At present it is useless 
to look back. Either by our own follies or by the follies 
& ignorance of our leaders, we are at sea, & the only 
thing to be enquired into is the best or least bad manner 
of getting again into port. For my part, however, who 
am never sanguine, all my hopes are gone. I have no 
doubt that the soil & men will remain unconquerable, & 
that the deadly hatred will increase against an enemy 
which makes us suffer so much, & will make us suffer so 
much more. For I have no doubt the war will continue, 
& continuing will change our mode of existence, not only 
in a private but political sense. And when once we enter 
on that kind of ocean I see no hand able to guide us. I 
have certainly none of those party prejudices against our 
leaders which are felt by so many. If there be a man in 
the country who is impartial & who allows his mind coolly 
& dispassionately to examine the measures of government, 
I think I may say I am that man. I have nothing, to 
hope or fear from them, so as to have my judgment 



biassed. I try, indeed, to hope for the best. I have need 
of that kind of consolation ; but the effects of their 
measures or their madness (for I do them the justice to 
believe they wish well to their country) have been long 
staring me too full in the face to admit of my being blind 
to them, notwithstanding my real desire to be so. " De- 
lirant reges plectuntur Achivi." I have had too many 
occasions to see that a nation's sufferings may come from 
other leaders as well as kings, & may be carried as far. 

I have been more than once astonished to find myself 
on the verge of taking up my pen to address the public. 
I have never yet appeared in that character, & nothing 
but indignation could make me assume it. I have been 
checked, perhaps as much as by any thing else, by the 
want of some chanel, for the newspapers are all so com- 
pletely of one or the other color that whatever appears 
in them loses its natural tone & is considered as belonging 
to one or other of the sides of party spirit, & of course 
would be recieved or rejected according to the passion of 
the reader & could answer no good purpose. Although it 
would be indignation which would make me write, yet it 
would be with the hope or the view of being useful. 

It often occurs to me to repass in 1113 7 mind your man- 
ner of viewing political subjects. I remember that you 
are less than any one apt to despond. It would be a 
relief to me if I were so near you as to hear your sen- 
timents. This might perhaps restore hope to me. At 
present I really have none. The continuance of the war 
appears to me inevitable. Our enemy is resolved on it 
most unquestionably, & without his consent we cannot 
have peace, as it requires both parties to get out of a war, 
although one is sufficient to get into it. One of the 
attendants here on war must be a paper money. It may 
be called by some other name, & will be attempted to be 
disguised in various ways ; but come it must, or the 
wheels of government must stop, notwithstanding the 

1814.] WILLIAM SHORT. 211 

great financial talents of the ingenious & dexterous new 
Secretary.* I had a right to hope that ray situation was 
a secure one ; my fortune was clear & ample ; it had 
grown gradually & was therefore the more solid. It was 
never exposed to speculation of any kind in order to 
increase it. So far as my own acts were concerned, it 
could not be exposed ; but against the acts of government 
I have no means of securing myself. The men & the soil 
will not be conquered by the enemy ; but they may be 
conquered by ruin, & will then be ready for any change. 
We need not go beyond modern history & modern dates 
to see what changes may be effected in men's minds by a 
change of circumstances. A person who is not on the 
spot to examine can form no idea of the mass of distress 
& ruin which exists already or threatens to exist. If by 
a mere reform of expences this could be met, it would be 
supportable ; but it bears on that class which had no 
reform to make. The rich are beginning to prepare for 
misfortune. I might be considered among the most rich, 
in comparing my revenue to my moderate wants, and yet 
I see I shall be obliged to draw still further on that 
source, the moderation of my wants. In addition to all 
this, should Lord Hill make his appearance the distress 
would be increased to an hundred fold degree. As it is, 
thousands of the best men of the place, most of them with 
families, & many with families dependent on their labor 
or their industry, are now in camp, & have been since the 
invasion of Washington. How unequal the conflict, in 
the eve of a real statesman, between such men as these & 
the ragamuffin of Europe, bought at a few pence a day, & 
whose loss is only felt in their regiment, & repaired by a 
new recruit, whilst on our side the loss is felt throughout 
a whole family w ch remains behind. It will not bear 
reflecting on. I will fly to. a more agreeable subject, that 

* Alexander J. Dallas had been appointed Secretary of the Treasury a few weeks before 
the date of this letter. See note, ante, p. 106. —Eds. 


of assuring you of the sincere & invariable sentiments 
with which I am bound to you most affectionately. 

W. Short. 

Is Correa still with you ? We long to have him here, 
but I fear he will soon fly from us ; & since the down- 
fall of Bonaparte, I feel surviving in me a desire w ch was 
dead, that of returning to France. 


Washington, Nov r 26, 1814. 

Dear Sir, — I did not receive your favor of the 11 th 
instant till a few days ago, and I have till now been too 
much indisposed to acknowlege it. 

You are not mistaken in viewing the conduct of the 
Eastern States as the source of our greatest difficulties in 
carrying on the war, as it certainly is the greatest, if not 
the sole, inducement with the enemy to persevere in it. 
The greater part of the people in that quarter have been 
brought by their leaders, aided by their priests, under a 
delusion scarcely exceeded by that recorded in the period 
of witchcraft ; and the leaders are becoming daily more 
desperate in the use they make of it. Their object is 
power. If they could obtain it by menaces, their efforts 
would stop there. These failing, they are ready to go 
every length for which they can train their followers. 
Without foreign co-operation, revolts & separation will 
hardly be risked ; and what the effect of so profligate an 
experiment may be, first on deluded partizans, and next 
on those remaining faithful to the nation who are respect- 
able for their consistency, and even for their numbers, is 
for conjecture only. The best may be hoped, but the 
worst ought to be kept in view. In the mean time the 
course to be taken by the Gov* is full of delicacy & per- 

1814.] JONATHAN MASON. 213 

plexity ; and the more so under the pinch which exists in 
our fiscal affairs, & the lamentable tardiness of the Legis- 
lature in applying some relief. 

At such a moment the vigorous support of the well dis- 
posed States is peculiarly important to the General Gov* ; 
and it would be impossible for me to doubt that Virg a , 
under your administration of its Executive Gov*, will con- 
tinue to be among the foremost in zealous exertions for 
the national rights and success. 

Be pleased to accept assurances of my esteem & respect. 

James Madison. 

His Excy. W. C. Nicholas. 


To His Excel* Wilson Carey Nicholas, Esq r , Governor of State of 
Virginia, at Richmond. 

Boston, Novr 26, 1814. 
My dear Sir, — I am much obliged to you for the very 
friendly letter you have been pleased to forward to me. I 
was in the District of Maine when it reached Boston, & it 
is but a day or two since my return, which will apologize 
to you for my silence untill this moment. I feel myself 
gratified by your good opinion, and with great sincerity 
declare to you that while at Washington, tho' that differ- 
ence of opinion which you allude to existed between us, I 
never once doubted the sincerity of your individual poli- 
tics, nor the ardent love of country which you always ap- 

* Jonathan Mason was born in Boston, August 30, 1752, graduated at Princeton in 
1774, studied law under John Adams, and was admitted to the bar in 1779. He was re- 
peatedly elected to the State Legislature and also served in the Council. He was a Senator 
of the United States from December, 1800, to March, 1803, and took an active part in the 
debates, especially in those on the Judiciary Act, and was a member of the House of Rep- 
resentatives from December, 1817, to May, 1820, when he resigned. He died in Boston, 
November 1, 1831, leaving a high reputation as a man and a lawyer. (See Appleton's 
Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. iv. p. 247.) An interesting diary kept by him 
in the winter of 1804-1805, is printed in 2 Proceedings, vol. ii. pp. 5-34. — Eds. 


peared to possess. I wish the same sincerity & ardour had 
prevailed universally, and we should not at this moment 
have been in the wretched, enfeebled, ruinous situation we 
now are. If you have hitherto been retired in life & sur- 
rounded with your family, I can say, if possible, I have 
been more so. I have refused every office of every kind, 
& scarcely suffered myself to talk upon politicks. I am 
ready to say that I have differed in sentiments very often 
with my best friends. They have thought better of Gt 
Britain than I have, & often times defended her conduct 
with more zeal than prudence. I have never doubted 
that her designs & practise were unfriendly to this country, 
that she envied our prosperity, that her policy was narrow, 
& that by her unjust captures & depredations she gave us 
ample cause of war. But having said thus much, here I 
stop. As to the time or the expediency of declaring war 
at all, I think the administration not only short sighted, 
but unpardonable & criminal. I cannot but think that 
both of our late Presidents discovered their partialities 
between the two countries in too great a degree. If we 
receiv'd injuries from Great Britain, we certainly received 
as great from France, & always accompanied with the 
most degrading, insulting, opprobrious language. These 
faults & aggressions were concealed & palliated by the 
government, while those of Great Britain were magnified. 
The French decrees were declared to be repealed, & in 
consequence of those declarations we took a hostile at- 
titude towards G* B., when the French emperor, nearly a 
year after, said they were not repealed. All this conduct 
prior to the war gave to G* B. plausible cause of com- 
plaint, & hurt our own cause in the eyes of all Europe. 
Neutrals suffer in all wars. They are oppressed & often- 
times unjustly plundered & insulted by belligerents, but 
they reap their advantages with their sufferings, & I do 
not think that their honour, be their situation what it 
may, demands of them to resent & go to war for every 

1814.] JONATHAN" MASON. 215 

cause of complaint. We had also been goading G t Britain 
with embargoes, non-intercourse, & other restrictive sys- 
tems, which in point of time, whether designed or not, 
wonderfully comported with the views of Bone Parte in 
his Continental system, & the time of declaring the war 
was the moment of his expedition against Russia. These 
facts of themselves give to Gt Britain but too much rea- 
son to suppose that we in fact had ceased to be a neutral 
nation towards her, & had sided with her enemy. But 
that we were totally unprepared for a war & as totally un- 
skilled in conducting of it, compleatly ignorant of the 
resources of the country & still more ignorant of the 
wisest, most upright, & honourable mode of command- 
ing the resources that really did exist, I believe no honest 
American will now have the hardihood to deny. The 
consequence is that from the high mountain of prosperity 
we have fallen into the ditch. In a country full of money 
& of resources, we cannot command a dollar ; we have no 
credit, & not a monied man in the Union has any confi- 
dence in our integrity. We have little or no army, & we 
cannot increase it. While the enemy are now preparing 
to invade us & strike us at the heart, we are spending 
weeks & months in paper schemes, volunteer & con- 
scription bills, not one of which will pass, & if they 
do, not one of which can be carried into effect. One 
Secretary after another produce their several schemes, 
& they all equally prove abortive. Their appears no 
solid, practical ground to put one's foot upon. We 
want men, we want money, we want ceconomy, we want 
union, and their does not at Congress appear, either the 
real talent or the sincere disposition to procure either of 
them ; on the contrary, a much more apparent disposition 
to blast what little remains of public credit, & to defraud 
their creditors. We are, in my estimation, at a compleat 
stand & bankrupt. We cannot go on, & must take a new 
departure, with a total change of men & measures. Peace 


must be sought in sincerity & truth, & by men respectable in 
America & not offensive to Great Britain. If this is not 
done immediately we shall be ruined, — not conquered, but 
ruined, divided, dissolved, broken to pieces & disgraced. 
The present terms offered by G* B. must be accepted as a 
basis. They probably might be narrowed & so qualified 
as to be of no positive injury to America. If men of the 
first character in the country & above all party could be 
sent out immediately, & Gt B. should prove unreasonable 
& desirous of aiming a blow at our vitals, such a compleat 
exposure of her views would unite our country, & in that 
case, if conciliation, harmony, & a disposition to employ 
honourable men of all parties should become manifest, we 
should be able to defend our country with success & bring 
our enemy to our terms ; but not one thing, believe me, 
Sir, short of all this will ward off disgrace & ruin. My 
politicks always has been not to go to war with Gt 
Britain, but to treasure up these injuries of her's towards 
us, & when able, when grown into manhood & strength, 
to have fought her, & thrashed her for them ; but the 
comparison now is between an infant and a giant. It is 
no disgrace for me, scarcely in the gristle, to avoid con- 
tention with a man full grown. We might have shown 
our spirit, preserved our honour, without hazarding our 
strength upon unequal ground. We have mistaken the 
character of our enemy & their resources, & we have 
equally mistaken our own character & our own resources. 
We are not made or situated for an offensive war. Our 
institutions, our country, & our seacoast all forbid it. We 
have equally mistaken our element in forwarding our 
growth ; the sea has been abandoned for the land, & we 
are consequently naked & without weapons. If we could 
conquer Canada, it would be a curse to us, but we cannot 
conquer it ; fifty thousand men could not take Canada, & 
if we could & did, Gt B. is that nation that would suffer 
her island to sink before she would make peace without 

1814.] JONATHAN MASON. 217 

its full & compleat restoration. Every intelligent person 
must read this in her character. You ask me whether 
Massachusets will not now make an exertion, & unite 
with her efforts to try to effect this object. I answer at 
once No ; they know they are not able. But they also 
have not sufficient confidence in the administration to 
give their aid at all to this war. Its events they have 
prophesied, & they cannot see any thing in its further 
prosecution but their ruin. The measures of the Govern fc 
they have been adverse to, from the commencement of 
M r Jefferson's adihon. They think their commerce, which 
is their vitals, has not been neglected only, but destroyed ; 
their seamen annihilated. They have uniformly pro- 
tested against the restrictive systems uniformly adopted, 
& continued untill experience has demonstrated them to 
be destructive at home, instead of abroad. To this 
moment they see with pain & mortification not a person 
appointed to any office, unless the previous question is 
put, which side he is of, & notwithstanding in so doing, 
they have been obliged, among us at least, to resort to 
men of the worst & most inefficient character ; witness 
your Hulls, your Seavers, your Dearborns, & a thousand 
others, which you now know as well as myself. The 
Democrats of this country are not the Democrats of 
Virginia or the Southern States. There they are men of 
high honour, property, & birth ; here, to a man they are 
the very dregs of the people, & it is no uncommon sight 
to see men who never were in the receipt of a hundred 
dollars, now pocketting of the Government's money ten or 
twelve thousand annually, without contributing one iota 
to its strength or prosperity. Sir, no government on 
earth could exist upon this principle for any great length 
of time. I could write volumes to convince you that the 
road now is that of subjugation & dissolution. Do you 
ask me whether Massachusetts are really disposed to- 
wards Gt B. ? In sincerity I at once say No, not a man 


in the territory. They see as plain as you the wrongs & 
feel them, but the mode of redress in their estimation has 
been a two edged sword. Do they wish a disunion of the 
States ? with the same assurance I at once say No. There 
is not a thinking man in the State but deprecates it. It is 
a false & willful lye upon their character & conduct. There 
is no British faction here, & no man that is not proud of 
his country, & does not see destruction in a separation of 
the States. But you will forgive them if they want con- 
fidence when their commerce has been destroyed, the 
element upon which that commerce floated, abandoned — 
a destructive war entered into, without means or prepara- 
tion of any kind for their protection, the worst of char- 
acters to rule over them among themselves, the counsels of 
the country divided & distracted, inefficient means & fraud- 
ulent ones daily proposed & attempted to be carried into 
effect, the money of the country banished, the treasury 
empty & without means that have even plausibility to 
recruit it, two or three hundred institutions issuing their 
own paper upon their own discretion & credit without 
responsibility, — and all these circumstances, accom- 
panied by an enemy, the most powerful in Europe, pre- 
paring to strike us without an army or the means to raise 
& support it. Many sensible men are found among us 
who believe that this Congress, when it began the war, or 
even this winter, if they had most palpably shown a just 
disposition towards their creditors & an inflexible determi- 
nation to pay them when able, might with taxes [have ?] 
raised eno to have religiously paid the interest, & upon 
that pledge & those dispositions have brot up a system 
which would have produced a medium & furnished means 
to carry on the contest; but when you hear people, debt- 
ors who are wanting still further to borrow money, cut- 
ting up the very ground upon which they stand, by 
threatning & denouncing the very men they want to 
borrow of, & to whom they already owe, what can you 

1814.] JONATHAN MASON. 219 

think of the wisdom, to say nothing of the integrity, of 
such people ? What can you think of the ability of such 
men to fight G fc B. ? I could not but smile at the resolu- 
tions of your State, declaring the terms of G fc B. arrogant 
& contemptible & disgracefull, & pledging the State to a 
prosecution of the war, & immediately under those resolu- 
tions a letter to the Sec y of War, by order of the same 
State, begging for 100,000$ only, & declaring that 
without it they were unable to keep or pay the troops. 
This is not the situation of your State alone ; Massachu- 
setts & all the New England States are in a like predica- 
ment. A mere alarm in this quarter this season has cost 
Massachusetts & New Hampshire a million of dollars. 
Their credit, which was high & above par, is now shaken 
& below it. Nobody will trust either of them. If we are 
to carry this w T ar on, we must look to Congress for an 
army & for the means to support it, for men & for money. 
Will M r Monroe's or M r Giles's bills procure the one, or 
M r Dallas's or M r Calhoun's the other ? You must join 
with me in pronouncing all these schemes impracticable & 
inadequate. Twelve weeks have now expired since Con- 
gress have been sitting, without having advanced one 
step towards the opposition of an enemy, who will 
probably be in the heart of our country before the frost 
is well out of it. Is there any probability that this army 
& this money will be raised in season by this Congress, 
who at best appear distracted & divided in the councils, 
who show no system, & who appear to have none. What 
prospect has any State more than the one of being obliged 
to defend its own shores & territory, without co-operation 
or assistance ? Was there ever a people so situated ? 
And where is this to end ? My good Sir, this country is 
in substantial, solid, almost insuperable difficulties. It 
requires integrity, wisdom, industry, & even good fortune 
to palliate or remove these difficulties. It requires all 
the people of America, & not a party, to support our 


exertions. The present men in power are not competent 
to it, & G* B. will not treat with M r M. He must retire 
or the country and the Union are at end. Measures of 
totally a different nature must be instantly resorted to, or 
the time will be gone by. This is plain language, but in 
my soul I believe it true. We shall not be destroyed to- 
day or to-morrow, but it will come, & the end of these 
measures will be disunion & disgrace. I write to you 
agreeable to your invitation, frankly & sincerely. In my 
own I endeavor to give you the opinion of those among 
whom I live. I write for your information & to put you 
& every other respectable, well meaning American upon 
reflecting ; I do not expect to convince. I should much 
rather be converted to an opposite opinion. That man 
would deserve a statue of gold who could take the coun- 
cils of this country & their conduct, & show light & pros- 
perity in their path. I see the reverse, & nothing that 
possibly can ward off the blow, but an immediate attempt 
to make a peace ; to get out of this accursed war upon the 
best terms we possibly can ; and this cannot be affected 
but by employing the best, the wisest, & the most respect- 
able of our country. 

I most sincerely congratulate you upon your new ap- 
pointment, for it confirms my opinion of your character, 
& it demonstrates the confidence of your fellow-citizens. 
You must permit me to add with equal honesty, I also 
pity you. You are obliged to sacrifice domestic comfort 
for public anxiety, and it requires inspiration from above 
to guide one's country in times like these. I have only 
to add, every thing I have said has been sincerely said, 
without meaning to give offence ; you will excuse any 
warmth if you see it. You & myself have but one object, 
the prosperity of our country & the safety of our firesides. 
I shall be very happy again, at your leisure, to hear from 
you. I will repay with pleasure any debts of this kind. 
If you see better or different prospects of terminating this 


war with honour & success, you are bound to communicate 
them. With my best respects to your lady & family, 
I have the honor to be with respect, 

Jon n Mason. 


The Hon. Thomas Jefferson, late President of the United States, 
Monticello, Virginia. 

Burlington, Vermont, Nov. 30, 1814. 

Hon d . Sir, — I feel myself highly flattered by the notice 
you were pleased to take of my oration in your letter of 
July last. Your speculations on the study of the clas- 
sicks meet my own views on that subject, and the method 
you recommend is exactly the one I adopted. I have seen 
many an ingenious young man, after a course of classical 
reading in the manner you propose, become well versed in 
most of the studies taught by the other professors. 

Inter arma Musae silent. Our college edifice is leased 
to the Government for the accomodation of the army, and 
our collegiate exercises are suspended. Meanwhile, I have 
resorted to the practice of the law, in order to obtain a 
reputable support. There are other situations here which 
would be more congenial to my feelings, but would not 
afford a good living. I receive a handsome income from 
my practice and cheerfully submit to my destiny. Though 
anxious to obtain general information, and to visit other 
countries, I shall probably spend my days in this place. 

We all of us turned out in Sept. last to expel the in- 
vader from our shores, and the result must be grateful to 
the feelings of every friend of his country. The aged 
forgot their decripitude and vied with the young, in re- 
pairing to the scene of action and in the active contest. 
All ranks and all ages took their rifles, and with no other 
uniform than a sprig of evergreen from their native moun- 
tains, sought the enemy and fought with enthusiasm. 


The days of the wildest chivalry furnish not a scene in 
which so much ardour and spirit pervaded every class of 
people. The lake was alive with our hardy mountaineers, 
whom the oars and winds could not propel with the speed 
of their wishes. 

With sentiments of great respect, I am your most 

Jason Chamberlain. 

The Hon. Thomas Jefferson. 


Monticello, Dec. 16, 14. 

Dear Sir, — By the condition of the roads and repeated 
abandonments of the mail by the way, your favor of Nov. 
25 did not come to hand until it was certain from it's 
contents you had left Washington. I have delayed ac- 
knoleging it therefore till you might have reached Albany, 
and indeed the only object of doing it thus late is to ex- 
press my regret at not having had the pleasure of reciev- 
ing you here, which would have been a gratification, for 
as to public affairs I am entirely withdrawn from every 
degree of interrnedling with them, and almost of reading 
or thinking of them. My confidence in those at the helm 
is so entire as to satisfy me without enquiry that they are 
going right, and I prefer reading the histories of other 
times which furnish amusement without anxiety. Writing 
too is becoming laborious to me & irksome, so that I go to 
the writing table with reluctance. Retaining, however, 
my esteem and gratitude for those whose good will has 

* Horatio Gates Spafford, a warm political friend of Jefferson, was the author of a 
Geography of the United States, a Gazetteer of the State of New York, and a small pam- 
phlet entitled " Some Cursory Observations on the Ordinarj- Construction of Wheel Car- 
riages,'' a subject in which Jefferson was much interested. He was born in Tinmouth, Vt, 
Feb. 18, 1778, and died in Lansingburgh, N. Y., Aug. 7, 1832. See Hough's American 
Biographical Notes, p. 370. — Eds. 

1815.] JOHN VAUGHAN. 223 

been so kindly bestowed upon me, I acknolege yours par- 
ticularly, and tender you my best prayers for your health 
& prosperity. 

Th : Jefferson. 

M> Spafford. 


Philad , Jany 9, 1815. 
Thomas Jefferson, Esq., Monticello. 

Dear Sir, — Notwithstanding the previous communica- 
tions of M r Correa, & your positive letter of resignation, 
very great difficulty occurred in prevailing upon the mem- 
bers of the American Philos. Society to accede to your 
wishes. t It was at last generally understood amongst 
them that your name was to be withdrawn, leaving, how- 
ever, the whole open by not formally acting upon your 
letter. On the day of the election an idea had suggested 
itself to some that, notwithstanding the letter, some mis- 
construction might, by design or otherwise, be put by our 
papers on the motives of the change, & an opinion was 
circulated that to prevent it you should still be elected, & 
that then if you could not be prevailed upon to serve again, 
the act of resignation would be your own k a public one. 
Could this have been generally communicated the measure 
would generally have been adopted. It was too late, & 
D r Wistar was elected to succeed you, altho' he was of 
those who earnestly desired the former course to be pur- 
sued. Our friend Correa would, no doubt, have done the 
same ; but there was no opp y . of communicating to him or 
others the change proposed in the plan. It was suggested 

* John Vaughan was the fourth son of Samuel and Sarah (Hallowell) Vaughan, and 
was born Jan. 15, 1756. About 1790 he settled in Philadelphia, and for more than fifty 
3 r ears he was an officer of the American Philosophical Society, in which he took a very 
deep interest. He died in Philadelphia Dec. 13, 1841. See N. E. Hist, and Gen. Reg., 
vol. xix. p. 355 ; Proceed. Am. Phil. Soc, vol. ii. pp. 131-133. — Eds. 

t Jefferson had been for some years President of the American Philosophical Society, 
but this year he declined a re-election, and was succeeded by Dr. Caspar Wistar. — Eds. 


by those who acted upon it that if your determination was 
not to be shaken, Wistar would come in probably by an 
unanimous vote, as he had been V-P. 5 y r before M r Pat- 
terson, & 7 y r before D r Barton. In announcing the elec- 
tion, we did not think it proper to publish to the world 
the whole of your letter, which might have been oc- 
casionally detatched from the publication ; but preferred 
interweaving the fact with it, in the manner you will 
have seen. But for your peremptory letter, supported 
by your private communications to M r Correa, your name 
could not have been withdrawn. It had served us too well 
to be easily relinquished. 

You will shortly have a visit from a young man of dis- 
tinguished learning & talents, a M r George Ticknor of 
Boston ; he carries letters from M r Adams & D r Wistar. 
His career will be the Law, but his fortune admitting it, 
he means to pass some time in Europe, with a view of 
enlarging his knowledge before he establishes himself at 
home. Previous to his tour he visits our cities as far as 
Washington, & in his way to pay his respects to you. Such 
young men, appearing as travellers, will do credit to the 
country. I have brought him acquainted with M r Gilmor, 
with whom he is much pleased, & thinks of him more 
highly than of any young man he lias seen since he left 
home. I believe M r G. is equally pleased with him. M r 
Correa will give M r T. letters for Europe, & if from the 
state of Europe M r C puts in execution his favorite proj- 
ect of returning to Paris I shall try to arrange the plan 
for their going together. M r T. will be happy to be hon- 
ored with your commands. Wishing you many happy 
returns of the season, 

I remain, your sincere friend, 

Jx° Vaughan. 

P. S. I do not know whether you possess any part of 
Michaux's Am". Forest Trees. The 2 d & 3 d vol. are here. 




The first vol. consists of the Pines & Noyers. Some per- 
sons who had taken this being removed from the country, 
these two last vol. can be procured, but not, I believe, the 
whole work. It is much appreciated, & I could very read- 
ily dispose of several complete copies if I had them. 


gold leaf 


11 pr window curtains, foreign 10 

16 portraits in oil 25 

1 d° crayon 12| 

64 picture, prints & engravings with frames 

more than 12 i 15 

39 d° under 12 i. with gilt frames 10 

3 looking glasses 5 f. long 5. 

3 d° 4 f. and not 5 f 3. 

1 d c 3 f. and not 4 f 2. 

2 d° 2 f. and not 3 f 1. 







A list of the taxable property of the subscriber in 
Albemarle, Mar., 1815. 

5640 acres of land (including 400 a s on Hard- 
ware held jointly with Hudson & others) . @ .85 
90 slaves of or above the age of 12 years . . .80 

12 d° of 9 and under 12 years of age ... .50 

73 head of cattle 03 

27 horses, mares, mules, & colts .21 

1 ice house 5. 

1 gigg & harness 

1 4-wheeled carriage (landau) 


4 clocks 

1 bureau or secretary, mahogany 50 

2 book cases d° 50 

4 chests of drawers d° 25 

1 side board with doors & drawers, mahogany . 

8 separate parts of dining tables d° . .25 

13 tea and card tables d° . .25 
6 sophas with gold leaf 22£ 

36 chairs, mahogany 06] 













1 harpsichord 

2 silver watches 

2 silver coffee pots 

3 plated urns & coffee pots 

13 plated candlesticks 

4 cut glass decanters 

1 silver cups 

1 manufacturing mill renting at 1280 D. @ 2^ 

P- c 

1 toll grist mill 

1 saw mill 






Th : Jefferson. 


Philadelphia, March 6, 1815. 

Dear Sir, — In consequence of letters which I have 
this morning, and, in fact, this moment received from 
Boston, giving me notice of the intention of several of 
my nearest friends to embark for Europe in some of the 
earliest vessels, I have determined to hasten home & avail 
myself of an opportunity which, on every account, will be 
so grateful to me. I take, therefore, the liberty you 
allowed me, of writing to you and asking you to do me 
the favour to forward to my address in Boston the letters 
to your friends in Europe, which your politeness offered 
me, and any commands in relation to collecting a library, 
or any other business, wh. it may suit your convenience 
to entrust to me. If to these, you will have the goodness 

* George Ticknor was born in Boston August 1, 1791, graduated at Dartmouth College 
in 1807, and in 1815 made his first visit to Europe, where he remained until 1819. In 
August of that year lie began a distinguished career as Professor of Modern Languages and 
Belles Lettres in Harvard College. lie filled this chair until 1835. In 1849, he published 
his History of Spanish Literature, of which four editions were printed in English, and 
which was translated into German and Spanish. [\\ 1804 appeared his Life of William II. 
Prescott, which passed through two editions. He was also the author of several minor pub- 
lications, and was one of the most influential persons in shaping the policy of the Boston 
Public Library. He died in Boston Jan. 2G, 1871. See Life, Letters, and Journals of 
(Jeorgc Ticknor ; Memoir in Proceedings, vol. xx. pp. 384-391; Appleton's Cyclopaedia of 
American Biography, vol. vi. pp. Ill, 112. — Eds. 

1815.] WILLIAM SHORT. 227 

to add a letter to Mr. Gallatin, * to whom, I believe, no- 
body in N. England is competent to introduce me, & on 
whom as an American citizen, I suppose I have some 
indefinite claims, you will add much to the favour which 
your kindness has already promised me. 

I cannot suffer this opportunity to pass without re- 
peating my acknowledgements for the advice & instruc- 
tion I received from you in relation to my projected voyage 
& visit to Europe ; and all the various kindness and hos- 
pitality which I found under your roof & amidst your 
family. I beg you to present my regards to Col. Ran- 
dolph & his lady, and to those of your grandchildren with 
whom I had the pleasure of becoming acquainted, & to 
permit me to hope that, if I am so fortunate as to be 
remembered in the happy circle which philosophy & affec- 
tion have gathered round your fire-side, it may be as your 
Most obliged & obedient friend, 

George Ticknor. 

Mr. Jefferson, Monticello. 


Philadelphia, March 11, 15. 

Dear Sir, — Your kind & friendly letter of Nov. 28 
gave me not the less pleasure for having remained so long 
unacknowleged. The cause of my silence has been an 
affection in the eyes so highly inflamatory as to preclude 
me from the use of my pen & my books. The disorder 
seems now to have left me, but I am not yet placed on 
the statu quo ante, & am obliged to use my eyes sparingly. 
I cannot, however, longer postpone thanking you for all 
the details of your letter & particularly for one phrase 
which was of great use & comfort to me during that dark 

* Mr. Gallatin had been sent to Europe as one of the envoys for negotiating peace with 
Great Britain. — Eds. 


& to me desponding period. I frequently recurred to the 
letter to read over again the sentence " tranquillity of 
mind depends much on ourselves & greatly on clue reflec- 
tion ' how much pain have cost us the evils which have 
never happened.' ' I little then expected how soon this 
would be verified in an event which all human reason 
forbad us to look for, — the restoration of peace. I hail 
it as the salvation of our country, & as a new proof how 
inscrutable are the ways of Providence. 

As to the war, I have always thought that both France 
& England gave us sufficient cause to declare it against 
either at any time from the commencement of theirs. It 
was the expediency of declaring it that I denied, & the 
stupid manner in which it was conducted that I blamed. 
I was disgusted also to see, with so many persons who 
were called Americans, that an injury or insult offered to 
America was considered so only according to the country 
from which it came. Some were English, some French, 
& none Americans. From many of those who were now 
all alive to national honor as regarded England, & ready to 
throw down the gauntlet, T remembered when in Europe 
to have read speeches at the time of the French war, all 
pacific & making calculations to shew how many more 
dollars one campaign would cost us than all the vessels & 
cargoes that France could take from us. M r Madison, I 
recollect, when first I met him at Monticello, went into 
an argument with me by way of interrogations, the whole 
marrow of which was to shew (& shewed that he thought) 
the Directory a set of good, honest souls who never would 
have thought of plundering or injuring us in any way if 
we had been kind & shewn affection to them, &c, &c. I 
could not help smiling in his face at so much simplicity 
or so much ignorance, & assured him they were a pack of 
the most worthless scoundrels that chance had ever put 
at the head of a government, & that they plundered us 
for the real love of plunder & want of employment for 

1815.] WILLIAM SHORT. 229 

some of their dependents ; that if we were nearer to them 
& more in their power they would plunder us so much the 
more, as they had done to those powers or rather those 
people who had always shewn the greatest possible affec- 
tion for them. I could not restrain myself, & probably 
shewed a contempt of his fine system, which has never, I 
believe, been forgiven me. He knit his brow & never 
again interrogated me as to France ; acting on this as 
all those fretful & obstinate men who do not enquire in 
order really to obtain information, but to obtain answers 
confirming their own systems & ideas. However, peace 
be to him. Providence has favored him & drawn him out 
of a situation which otherwise would have placed him in 
a point of view truly ridiculous in history. I congratu- 
late him on his happy escape, because we are saved with 

It gave me great pleasure to see that your valuable 
library was to be secured & forever kept together. It 
would have been much to be regretted that it should 
have been exposed, after you, to be divided & separated. 
This would unavoidably have been the case in a few 
generations if left to private hands. The fate of that of 
Westover was a sufficient warning. It was scattered in 
the winds, & separate volumes are every now & then to 
be found in the book-sales here. I suppose of course you 
will be paid for it in Treasury notes. These are yet at a 
small depreciation. I have thought it probable that that 
might prevent you from offering them to me. I hope 
that will not be the case, & to prevent it I now mention 
to you that they will suit me perfectly, & if I were to 
have them soon I could make an arrangement by which 
they would answer me perfectly as bank notes, without 
the smallest loss. 

This is about the time you expected Col . Monroe to be 
in Albemarle. I hope he will now terminate our affair, 
particularly as he seems to think his personal presence 


necessary. The appearances are now, I am told, all in 
favor of his being the next President. He will then be 
less capable of attending to such a microscopic object as 
this. Correa, however, who has travelled & observed a 
great deal, says the next President will be from N. York, 
& he has fixed on Tomkins for that office. For my part 
I hope now our destiny will be a happy one, whoever may 
be the President, & feeling myself personally dead as to 
all such matters, I take ver} T little interest in them. 

I have been endeavoring all the winter to reason away 
my antipathy to the sea in order to avail myself of a very 
favorable occasion I now have of passing it, but I have a 
kind of thalasse-phobia that resists all kind of argument. 
It is like the antipathy which some people have to rats or 
cats, & I fear will be with me unconquerable until I shall 
feel myself too old to make it worth while to take the 
trouble. I do not like my poor vegetating situation 
which I hold here, but I do not know how to change it 
for the better. My friends all advise me to marry, but 
my taste is too fastidious, I believe, & my chance is worse 
every year ; for old bachelors grow difficult in proportion 
as they are older & have less right to chuse. 

God bless you, my dear Sir. May you long live to 
enjoy your sound philosophy, & be happy. Believe me 
your respectful & your affectionate friend, 

W. Short. 


Thomas Jefferson, Esq., Monticello, Albermarle County, Virginia. 

Boston, 21 March, 1815. 

Dear Sir, — I reached home yesterday morning after a 
tedious and, indeed, a perilous journey, and found that 
your kindness had anticipated the request I sent you from 
Philadelphia. I need not tell you how much I am in- 
debted to you for the signal favour you have done me by 

1815.] GEORGE TICKNOR. 231 

giving me the means of becoming acquainted with men so 
distinguished and so entirely of the class I should be most 
ambitious to know. 

You judged rightly when you conjectured that the 
peace might first lead me to England. If I were to be 
governed only by my own inclinations, I should undoubt- 
edly go first to Paris, the great mart of the science & 
literature of the world ; but three friends # who are 
nearer to me than all the world besides, except my own 
family, are going to London, & I cannot resist the affec- 
tionate kindness which led them, before I had returned & 
without consulting me, to bespeak my passage in the same 
ship with themselves. I shall, however, remain there but 
a short time, and then cross over to the continent. In 
this way, I imagine, I can be more useful to you than on 
my original plan. I shall be long enough in London to 
purchase such books as can be best obtained there, and 
yet soon enough in Paris to purchase the remainder. On 
this subject, however, I shall wait your instructions. We 
shall leave this port about the 12 th proximo, & of course a 
letter from Monticello will have full time to reach me be- 
fore I sail ; and even if it should arrive after I am gone, 
my father will immediately forward it to me in some one 
of the numerous vessels which will leave here in the 
course of April & May. 

I shall observe your directions in relat'on to the letters 
which you have confided to me. As soon after I reach 
England as a suitable opportunity occurs, I will send them 
to France, probably to our minister there, reserving to 
myself, as a lawyer would say, a lien on their introduc- 
tory] contents, and a consequent claim to become ac- 
quainted with the persons to whom they are addressed. 

As occasions or subjects may offer, I shall not fail to 
take advantage of the permission you have given me of 

* Samuel G. Perkins, Edward Everett, and Nathaniel A. Haven, of Portsmouth, N. H. 
See Life, Letters, and Journals of George Ticknor, vol. i. p. 49. — Eds. 


keeping for myself a place in your memory by addressing 
a few lines to you from amidst the literary society of 
Europe, and shall consider myself singularly fortunate if, 
by giving you early notice of the advance of science there, 
1 may be able in any imperfect degree to express my 
gratitude for all the kindness you have shown me. 

I cannot close a letter addressed to Monticello without 
recollecting & again acknowledging the hospitality I re- 
ceived there, and asking you to do me the favour to remem- 
ber me particularly to all its inhabitants. 
Your's very respectfully, 

Mr. Jefferson. Geo : TlCKNOR. 

N. B. My father's address is Mr. Elisha Ticknor, Bos- 
ton, and any letters which you may do me the favour to 
send to me, either before I sail or after I am gone, will, if 
directed to him, reach me by the first opportunity, through 
Mr. Adams, our minister in Lond. 

I enclose you the letter to Mr. Crawford, who, as you of 
course know, is on his return. 


Monticello, May 15, 15. 

Dear Sir, — Your favor of the 3 d finds me just on my 
departure for Bedford, and I return you therefore the 
paper you inclosed me, without delay. To the fact of the 
want of time I will further add that no person on earth 
would more willingly than myself do whatever was within 
my power to reward with the honors they have merited 
our naval heroes, for the respect which their heroism has 
procured for our country, and for the humiliations they 
have inflicted on an insulting, a vindictive, and causeless 
enemy. But I never had that sort of poetical fancy which 
qualifies for allegorical devices, mottos, &c. Painters, 
poets, men of happy imagination can alone do these things 


with taste. I must therefore refer it back to you for 
some one who will do justice to the subject. The re-revolu- 
tion of France furnishes an additional element of calcula- 
tion for the problem of your return to France. Adversity 
may have taught Bonaparte moderation ; but I apprehend 
that his temper & particular kink of insanity render him 
incapable of that. What a treat, indeed, would the con- 
versation of Dupont be ! He must totally despair for his 
country, as I do. A military despotism is now, I fear, fixed 
on it permanently. Among the victims of his return to 
power, I contemplate but one with pleasure ; that is the 
Pope. The insult which he and the bigot of Spain have 
offered to the lights of the 19 th century by the re-establish- 
ment of the Inquisition admits no forgiveness. How 
happily distant are we from the Bedlam of Europe. 
Affectionately adieu. 

Th. Jefferson. 

M r . Short. 


Monticello, June 13, 15. 

Dear Sir, — In your favor of May 2 you ask my advice 
on the best mode of selling your Museum, on which, how- 
ever, I really am not qualified to advise. This depends 
entirely on the genius and habits of those among whom 
you live, with which you are so much better acquainted. 
I wish first it may be disposed of the most to your advan- 
tage, and 2 dly that it may not be separated. If profit be 
regarded, the purchaser must keep it in Philadelphia, 
where alone the number and taste of the inhabitants can 
ensure it's maintenance. It will be yet some time (per- 
haps a month) before my workmen will be free to make 
the plough I shall send you. You will be at perfect 
liberty to use the form of the mouldboard, as all the 
world is, having never thought of monopolizing by patent 


any useful idea which happens to offer itself to me ; and 
the permission to do this is doing a great deal more harm 
than good. There is a late instance in this State of a 
rascal going thro' every part of it, and swindling the 
mill-owners, under a patent of 2 years old only, out of 
20,000 D. for the use of winged-gudgeons which they 
have had in their mills for 20 years, every one preferring 
to pay 10 D. unjustly rather than be dragged into a 
Federal court 1, 2, or 300 miles distant. 

I think the cornsheller you describe, with two cylinders, 
is exactly the one made in a neighboring county, where 
they are sold at 20 D. I propose to take some oppor- 
tunity of seeing how it performs. The reason of the de- 
rangement of machines with wooden cylinders of any 
length is the springing of the timber, to which white oak 
has a peculiar disposition. For that reason we prefer 
pine as the least apt to spring. You once told me of what 
wood you made the bars of the pen-frame in the poly- 
graph, as springing less than any other wood ; & I have 
often wished to recollect it, but cannot. We give up 
here the cleaning of clover seed, because it comes 
up so much more certainly when sown in the husk ; 7 
bushels of which is more easily obtained for the acre than 
the 3 pints of clean seed which the sowing-box requires. 
We use the machine you describe for crushing corn-cobs, 
& for which Oliver Evans has obtained a patent, altho' to 
my knolege the same machine has been made by a smith 
in George town these 16 years for crushing plaister, and 
he made one for me 12 years ago, long before Evans's 
patent. The only difference is that he fixes his horizon- 
tally, and Evans vertically. Yet I chose to pay Evans's 
patent price for one rather than be involved in a lawsuit 
of 2 or 300 D. cost. We are now afraid to use our 
ploughs, every part of which has been patented, although 
used ever since the fabulous days of Ceres. On the sub- 
ject of the Spinning Jenny, which I so much prefer to the 

1815.] WILLIAM SHORT 235 

Arkwright machines, for simplicity, ease of repair, cheap- 
ness of material and work, your neighbor, D r . Allison, of 
Burlington, has made a beautiful improvement by a very 
simple addition for the preparatory operation of roving. 
These are much the best machines for family & country 
use. For fulling in our families we use the simplest 
thing in the world. We make a bench of the widest 
plank we can get, say half a 

yard wide at least, of thick & 77 n 

heavy stuff. We cut notches ty^^<\^fv^/s < ^-i^^' 
cross wise of that 2 i. long & 
1 i. deep ; the perpendicular 
side of the notch fronting 
the middle one from both 
ends ; on that we lay a 4 i. 

board, 6 f. long, with a pin for a handle in each end, 
and notched as the under one. A board is nailed on 
each side of the under one, to keep the upper in place 
as it is shoved backwards & forwards, and the cloth, 
properly moistened, is laid between them. 2 hands full 
20 yards in two hours. 

Our threshing machines are universally in England 
fixed with Dutch fans for winnowing, but not with us, 
because we thresh immediately after harvest, to prevent 
weavil, and were our grain then laid up in bulk without 
the chaff in it, it would heat & rot. Ever and affection- 
ately yours, 

Th: Jefferson. 

C. W. Peale. 


Thomas Jefferson. Mail to Milton, V a . 

Philadelphia, June 21, 15. 

Dear Sir, — I had the pleasure of writing to you early 
in the last month, & of informing you of the payment 
made to me here of the $10,500 treasury notes. I sent 


you at the same time a precise statement of our account 
up to that time, shewing that this payment left a balance 
due you of $34 t 3 q 4 q ; which, conformably with your order, 
I paid to M r Vaughan, of which he will, no doubt, have 
informed you. I requested you in my letter to direct me 
as to the bonds & the mortgage from you remaining in 
my hands, & which are now discharged. I did not ven- 
ture to send them to you by mail without your authoriza- 
tion. In the mean time I have obliterated the several 
signatures, & shall await your orders. I fear now I shall 
not be able to comply with them immediately, as I shall 
probably have left the city before I shall hear from you, 
& these papers will be left among those of mine which 
cannot be got at during my absence ; but on my return 
here in the fall I will follow the indication of your letter, 
which I hope to receive in the mean time. All letters 
which arrive here will be taken up & forwarded to me. 

The last letter which I have had the pleasure of 
receiving from you was of the 18 th of April. You were 
then expecting Monroe, & also going to Bedford. I see 
by the papers that Monroe has gone to Albemarle, but I 
fear the evil star of the business will have placed that 
trip during yours. If so, I hope Monroe will name some 
person to attend for him to the running of this line. I 
wish it were terminated, as much for your sake as mine ; 
for I really am ashamed of all the trouble I give you. 

You know that our new Blackstone financier has been 
making great efforts to raise public stocks & treasury 
notes. He has succeeded beyond expectation ; 6 p cts are 
now here a little below par, & treasury notes a little 
above. This varies with every city in the Union ; at 
New York they are both below par ; at Boston still more 
so. The price of exchange between this & N. York is 
now 5 p ct . 

Owing to the wise dispositions of our wise Congress in 
destroying the U. S. Bank, & allowing this hydra head 

1815.] WILLIAM SHORT. 237 

to grow up manifold under the corruption of the State 
legislatures, there is really now no such thing as an uni- 
form currency in the country. It varies in every State & 
in every city in the same State as much as in different 
countries & sovereignties. I see no remedy for this. 
The only practicable one (that of an U. S. bank, estab- 
lished on liberal principles on the condition of paying 
their notes in specie & obliging others to do the same) 
will be, I fear, prevented ; first, by the administration 
exacting of such a bank a bonus to an amount that will 
disable them from paying specie ; & secondly, by the 
members of Congress, or a majority of them, being inter- 
ested in the multitude of miserable State & county banks, 
either having brothers as cashiers or presidents, or by 
having borrowed money from them. They will therefore 
reject an U. S. bank w c * would devour this bastard prog- 
eny. When you talk to these gentlemen of a national 
bank, they have recourse to their pretended republican & 
constitutional objections, & thus claim a merit for follow- 
ing really a base & corrupt motive, that is, their personal 
interest in their country banks. Thus there is no uni- 
formity in the value of any thing, or what ought to be 
the measure of every thing. A short time ago treasury 
notes were several p ct under par, & I then disposed of 
them ; they are now above par, but as I fortunately 
vested them in 6 p cts , I do not lose by this operation. 

Correa is now drawing to a close the course of botanical 
lectures he is giving us here. He intends in the next 
month to take Dupont & visit you & M r Madison with 
him. You will, I am sure, derive great pleasure from 
these two good men & able, so well informed of what is 
passing in a country that must interest all the world. 

I have the mortification to be receiving from time to 
time old letters from my friends that ought to have been 
here six & twelve months ago ; they speak to me of their 
situation & of their happiness under the mild administra- 


tion of L. 18. Poor people ! how differently do they now 
feel whilst I am reading these letters. I rejoice at having 
not precipitated my return to France, which I certainly 
should have done but for my invincible aversion to the 
sea. I fear, if the war in Europe should extend itself 
as to time, that we shall be again involved. I do not 
suppose that our administration is mad enough or wicked 
enough to wish it, but it will grow out of the nature of 
things. If you have the weight which many insist on 
attributing to you, & w ch I do not believe, pray exert it 
to ward off this direful event. Adieu to our Republican 
principles most certainly, & probably to our Republican 
government, should a war last here a few years, whether 
successful or disastrous. God bless you, my dear Sir, & 
believe me ever your friend & servant, 

W. Short. 


Thomas Jefferson, Esquire, Late President of the United States of 
America. Monticello, Virginia. 

Boston, 7 th Aug., 1815. 

Sir, — Your letter of the 5 th ultimo reached Boston 

in due season ; but my absence on a long journey and 

detention by ill health are my only apology for not 

replying to it at an earlier period. Your " possessing 

my son for a short time " was really an honour to him as 

well as to me, and such an honour too as would gratify 

the feelings and pride of a parent who loves and esteems 

his son. I could not persuade myself to permit him to 

travel abroad, 'till he had first visited some parts of his 

* Elisha Ticknor was born in Lebanon, Conn., March 25, 1757, and graduated at 
Dartmouth College, in 1783. In 1788 he became head master of the Franklin Grammar 
School in Boston. He subsequently resigned this position, and, engaging in business, took 
an active interest in public affairs. lie died in Hanover, N. II., June 22, 1821. See 
Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. vi. p. 111. — Eds. 

1815.] ELISHA TICKNOR. 239 

own country ; and, especially, 'till he had seen and 
known personally some of the worthies who have hon- 
oured and adorn'd it. I recommend'd to him, therefore, 
to apply to his and my friends in this town and neigh- 
bourhood to furnish him with such letters of introduction 
as would not only aid him in his preparations for Europe, 
but, with such as out of which would naturally grow such 
other credentials as would be extremely useful to him in 
his absence. On his return to his home, he gave me an 
account of his journey, and of the manner in which he 
had been from time to time received by his friends and 
strangers, and, that no part of his journey gratified him, 
and by his representation me, so much as the kindness 
and attention with which yourself and family were 
pleased to shew him while at Monticello, for which you 
will please to accept the grateful acknowledgments of his 
father. Permit me, Sir, to add that, when in the course 
of conversation, between you and him alone, on his tour 
to Europe, you were pleas'd to observe to him that you 
were now an aged man (I believe seventy years old), 
that twenty-eight years ago you had many friends in 
Europe, that the ravages of time and the devastation 
of revolutions in that country might have carried away 
many of the ablest and best of your acquaintance who 
could be of any use to him, yet, to the remaining few 
you would with pleasure give him letters of introduction, 
provided he would give you a month's notice of his 
intention to depart, — this was an offer so great and so 
strongly mark'd with attention and kindness to a young 
stranger, going to a foreign country, and to him and to 
me invaluable, that to express myself on this occasion 
as I ought is not in my power. I leave to you, Sir, who 
are able to imagine, what I ought to say and how I ought 
to feel, rather than to attempt to tell you either of them 
myself. All I ask is, that he may merit your confidence 
and approbation, and receive your blessing, and transact 


your business as becomes a wise, judicious, and prudent 
young man. 

Your letter shall be immediately forwarded with mine 
to his address in London ; although it is possible he may 
now be in Holland, making his way to Gottengen, the 
place of his destination, through the difficulties and 
threatenings of Europe, as fast as he possibly can. His 
last letter was dated at London, the 30 th May, where he 
was then preparing himself for the Continent. What 
will be his fate there, God only knows. I have been 
extremely solicitous about him ever since the renewal of 
hostilities ; yet, he writes in good spirits and fine health, 
and appears to think there will be no danger, at least to 

Any letter you may please to forward to me for him 
shall be immediately transmitted to his address, agreeably 
to your request ; and, also, any business, Sir, which you 
may wish to have done in this part of the country, and 
which can be transacted by me, shall be clone with the 
greatest exactness and care. 

I am, Sir, with the greatest respect and consideration, 
Your much obliged & very humble servant, 

Elisiia Ticknor. 

Thomas Jefferson, Esq. 

Late President of the United States of America. 


Ballston Spa, Aug. 25, 15. 

Dear Sir, — Your kind letter of June 27 was in my 
absence taken up by my agent at Philadelphia & sent 
after me. I was then on a visit to the beautiful lake, 
called by the French le lac dn S Sacrament, & by their 
successors Lake George. The French shewed their good 
taste in having chosen this to furnish them their holy 
water. Nothing can be more pure than it is. The fish 

1815.] WILLIAM SHORT. 241 

there are worthy of being admitted to the rank of ambro- 
sia, as the water is to that of nectar. I am ashamed, 
however, to have been amusing myself in this picturesque 
spot, since I have learned that you were at that time 
laboring for me over precipices, rocks, & bushes. I hope 
at length, however, that this troublesome business is draw- 
ing to a close, and although with the prospect of its not 
being in a way favorable to me, yet I am glad it is to be 
ended & we are to know what to count on. The question- 
able line will be settled, but I little hope to see in my day 
the consequence of it settled & terminated ; that is, the 
re-imbursement to me by M r Carter. When I saw him at 
Philad a a year or two ago, he told me he had found that 
Co 10 Monroe owed him a balance about equal to this sum 
in question, & that he had, I think, proposed to him to let 
one go as a set-off against the other, but Monroe did not 
accept it, if he did not absolutely decline it. And it will 
take some time to put Carter off of this track. Until Mon- 
roe shall pay him he will probably not think of paying me. 
He will, as to this payment, act, I imagine, as a friend of 
mine was advised to act as to marrying ; that is, not to 
think of it until he was forty years of age, & then not 
to marry at all. If the line is decided against me, will 
you be so good as to let me know how I should proceed 
as to M r . Carter. He will probably offer me an order on 
Monroe, but I had rather have no claim of the sort against 
a friend. I suppose M r Carter will make no difficulty as 
to this being an arbitration to which he was not a party, 
for he told me he had written or spoken to you to act 
altogether for him in this case, & of course will or ought 
to be satisfied with what is done under your eyes. As to 
M r H's retaining the sum on his last payment to me, this 
is a thing of course, & I shall be perfectly satisfied with it. 
He has made all but his last payment, & that does not 
accrue until Deer. next. Let me once more express to 
you my real gratitude for all the trouble you have been 



so good as to take in this business. I feel it as a weight 
on me, & particularly the fatigue to w ch you must have 
been exposed on the 21 st of June. To me who have be- 
come so corporeally indolent this is sensible to an uncom- 
mon degree. My weight has a good deal increased, it is 
true, but in no proportion to my indolence. 

I have no doubt that you have long before this had the 
pleasure of seeing Correa & Dupont. You are persuaded, 
I hope, how much pleasure it would have given me to 
have assisted at your speculations. I have frequently in 
imagination placed myself among you. Our friend Correa 
got out of humour with the Allies, the Bourbons, &c, inso- 
much that they have almost reconciled him to Napoleon 
the 1 st , & quite so to Nap. the 2 d . I do not know how 
Dupont stands, but, although dissatisfied evidently with 
the Bourbons, I do not suppose he can ever be brought 
to be reconciled to any thing of the blood of the Bona- 
partes. I anticipate much gratification in conversing 
with Correa after his return to Philad., where I shall 
be in the beginning of October. My present wish would 
be to go & pay my respects to you next summer. And 
as I find mineral waters always useful to my bilious 
habit I will in that case substitute the Virginia springs 
to the Ballston Spa. I am too variable to think of 
deciding absolutely on any thing so far ahead, but this 
is my present wish & hope. 

Bonap. is so rapid in all his actions, ascending & de- 
scending, that he must have got ahead of all specula- 
tion. My hope is that he will not arrive in this country ; 
or rather this is my wish. If I were to express my fears 
& opinions of what he might do, I am sure it would 
be thought an exagerated vision. I therefore shall say 
nothing. I am one of those who think there is as much 
corruption in this country as any other. All things 
considered & under similar circumstances, things would 
pass here much as they do elsewhere. I have long 

1816.] WILLIAM SHORT. 243 

thought so & have long been laughed at for this opinion. 
Some things have happened which have confirmed me 
in my opinion, & particularly the Baltimore mob & mas- 
sacre in the prisons ; a similar event in Paris has been 
always considered one of the foulest deeds of the French 
revolution ; that at Baltimore was on a par with it & 
under much less cause of excitement. Thus give the 
same excitement in this country & I say you will have 
to the same degree any thing that has occurred in other 
countries. This I dare say would not be considered an 
American sentiment, but I cannot help thinking Ameri- 
cans much like other men. Whatever they may be, 
better or worse than I believe them, it has no influence 
on my real respect, gratitude, & friendship for you, 
w ch must be ever invariable & would, I can assure you, 
my dear Sir, survive our Republican institutions if des- 
tined to be overthrown in my day. 

Yours ever & affectionately, 

W. Short. 


Philad a , Jan. 5, -16. 

Dear Sir, — In the course of the last summer I had 
the pleasure of receiving a letter from you in which you 
were so good as to mark the progress that the land affair 
had made towards a final termination. You then thought 
it was inevitable in the course of the autumn succeeding. 
And although appearances so far were not favorable to 
me, yet I wished the point to be settled on several ac- 
counts. Having not heard from you, when I learned 
from a sister of M rs Carter, who resides here, that 
she was then expecting a visit from M r & M rs Carter, I 
was particularly anxious to know if possible, the result 
before M r Carter should leave Philadelphia. I therefore 
took the liberty of writing to you on the 21 st of Nov. last. 


I have not since had the pleasure of hearing from you. I 
at first thought you might be in Bedford, but so much 
time has now elapsed, that I am inclined to think either 
that my letter must have miscarried on the way, or that 
that lot has fallen on yours. In the meantime, fortu- 
nately, M r Carter's arrival has been postponed. M rs 
Izard is still expecting him daily, as she tells me, though 
she has not heard from him or her sister for a very long 
time, which does not surprize her, as they seldom write. 
It is this aversion to writing of our countrymen which 
makes me anxious to be able to treat of this affair with 
M r Carter viva voce, & if possible settle it with him. As 
relates to M r Higginbotham, also, it is important for me 
to know how I stand ; his last payment became due on 
the 25 th ul t0 , but he has said nothing to me respecting it. 
When he does, it will be necessary for me to know what 
sum precisely I am to deduct, on the principle w ch you 
mentioned to me. 

Notwithstanding this urgency of the ease I do not be- 
lieve I should have again troubled you at this moment 
but for a letter I have lately received from a person in 
France, of whom I think you formerly entertained a very 
favorable opinion, & who, I am sure, still deserves it. It 
is M. de la Motte, formerly our vice-consul at Havre. It 
has been a very long time since I have had sign of life 
from him, and his letter explains this by informing me 
he had purchased a farm in the country, to which he had 
retired for many years as a gentleman farmer. He has 
now returned to Havre in consequence of the peace, & 
resumed his commercial pursuits. He is anxious to have 
his former appointment, & has written to M. Monroe, on 
the subject, but has had no answer from him. This he at- 
tributes to a person at Paris who, he thinks, is opposed 
to him, & may have counteracted him, wishing the place 
himself. I should doubt this, & I impute Monroe's si- 
lence to his multifarious occupations, in which this mini- 

1816.] WILLIAM SHORT. 245 

mum of de la Motte has been lost sight of. If you think 
with me that, in consequence of de la Motte's long & 
honest services in this place, there would be a degree of 
injustice in pushing him out of it, & if you think, as I 
do, that he would really be more useful there than any 
other, & if moreover, as I hope, you have not any repug- 
nance to give your opinion either to Monroe or M r Madi- 
son, I wish, indeed, you would do so, & procure this act 
of justice for a man who was always really devoted to 
you & to the country w ch employed him. If you do not 
wish it he shall never know that you took this step, nor 
shall any other know. I am sure that in a case of this 
nature one word from } 7 ou would suffice to secure a meas- 
ure of good policy, & rigorous justice to a man whom 
you have long known & valued, as I believe. 

In looking over some papers a few days ago I was sur- 
prized to find that I was still in possession of your bonds 
& mortgage. I had quite forgotten them. I find that I 
had taken occasion to obliterate their signature, so that 
no inconvenience could have ensued if I had died, but 
still I had rather they should be returned into your 
hands where they ought in regularity to have been some 
time ago. It was certainly my intention to have written 
to you to ask your authorization to send them by mail, or 
dispose of them in any other way, so that you should 
have them, — & I think I must have written to that 
effect at the time, — but if I did I have not rec d an an- 
swer as to that article. I will thank you now to say how 
I may comply with your wishes on this head. 

I am glad to hear that the price of one of the staples of 
Virginia has so risen as to introduce much prosperity into 
that State, & I hope M r Higginbotham will be still more 
pleased with his purchase. Being satisfied myself, I am 
always glad when those with whom I deal find them- 
selves satisfied also. 

I was extremely anxious, as you may have percieved, 


as to the state of things in this country during the war. 
According to my view still, we were on a precipice, or 
rather near a rock, w cb was the more dangerous to the 
vessel of State that the pilots, ignorant in most respects 
of this kind of navigation, were absolutely blind as to 
this particular danger. I own that my indignation as to 
their ignorance & stupidity was often raised to a degree 
that was very near making me break my resolution long 
ago made of never entering the public papers as an anony- 
mous author. Things have now passed over. I should 
probably have done no good. & should have vexed & 
mortified myself to no purpose. I can now say, & have 
no doubt I shall be able to say at the day of my death, 
that I have never inserted or contributed in any way to 
an anonymous article in the vile & dirty nuisances of 
public newspapers. I am now reconciled in heart & spirit 
to those whom we have put in authority over us, & who 
have done us so much mischief, but who finally have at 
least not opposed the greatest good, peace ; &, indeed, 
may be said to have given it to us ; as we have it, & they 
could certainly have withheld it. Our great danger now 
lies in the Treasury. Every thing is unsound, & without 
experience or knowlege there. How is it possible to 
place confidence there under its present director ? We, 
the profane vulgar, know only that he left a most lucra- 
tive practise here, that he was always a needy man from 
his expensive habits, hospitable & apparently generous in 
the extreme, his house was by far the most expensive in 
this city ; &, notwithstanding he had a numerous family, 
& was a fond & excellent father, he could not resist his 
inducements to expense, in order to save a part of his 
earnings for this family, who w d have been destitute had 
they lost him ; at least this was the general opinion. 
Now, vanity as well as hospitality will combine to add to 
all his expenses, & I have no doubt it will be seen that 
his expenses far exceed any Minister who has resided at 

1816.] WILLIAM SHORT. 247 

Washington, & probably those of the President himself. 
I judge so from the character of the man. Now. where 
are these expenses to come from, unless it be from the 
want of fixity in our finances, which is the best state for 
enabling one behind the curtain to speculate to great 
& mammoth advantage, as they now are & are likely to 
be under proper management to this effect, for some 
time to come. The income of this gentleman was here 
from 15 to 20,000 dolls p. ann. This is abandoned by a 
man qui a un besom de depense, for ostensibly 5,000 doll 8 
p. ann, with additional excitements to expense. But he 
is a thorough going Republican, he is a perfect democrat. 
This is the saving mantle for every thing. This ought 
to inspire confidence, for sure no politician at Rome or at 
Paris who professed this religion ever did it without 
remaining always true to the love of country, the purity 
of principle, & an absolute abnegation de soi meme. I have 
no doubt, with this lever, he will find the means of mov- 
ing his party, who certainly form the majority, & of 
course can do no wrong. It is a strange perversion w ch 
should have made M r M. get rid of Gallatin & send him 
abroad, where most particularly our national pride, if not 
our national character, should have prohibited our send- 
ing him, & thus lose his talents, after he had acquired a 
sufficient degree of wealth to enable him to think alone 
of the public good, & substitute a man of inferior talents 
unquestionably, & one who could not, from his circum- 
stances, if he were so disposed, confine himself to study 
this good alone. God bless you, my dear Sir, & believe 
me ever your friend & servant, 

W. Shokt. 



Monticello, Jan. 27, 16. 

Dear Sir, — I am favored with yours of the 17 th . Mr. 
Cabell had apprised me of the objections to the power of 
imprisonment given to a functionary of our college, and 
having explained to him the reason of it I must refer you 
to him for a sight of my letter.* The object seems to 
have been totally mistaken, and what was intended in 
tenderness to the pupil has been misconstrued into an act 
of severity ; for every one knows they may now be sent 
by a common magistrate to the common prison for a 
breach of the peace. With respect to the bank-mania, I 
foresaw it in 1791, and then opposed the establishment 
of the Bank of the U. S., which I knew was only an in- 
oculation. I have marked the progress of the disease and 
seen that it was incurable and to end in death. There 
will be a vast crush of private fortunes, as on the death of 
the old Continental paper, as of the Assignats of France, 
the Misipi paper of Law, the South-sea paper of England, 
&c. The most pitiable of it's victims now as before will 
be the helpless widow & orphan. Prudent men will 
mitigate it's effects by caution. They will protect them- 
selves as they do their fences when the woods are afire, 
by firing against it. What is most blameable is the 
cruelty of your process, roasting us before a slow fire like 
the martyrs in the days of persecution. Instead of your 
15 banks, be merciful, and give us the coup de grace, 
make it a thousand. However, I am perfectly content 
with the 15, and to meet all hazards and trials with my 
fellow-citizens. If we keep together we shall be safe, and 
when error is so apparent as to become visible to the 
majority, they will correct it, and what we suffer during 

* The letter to Mr. Cabell is printed in Washington's edition of the Writings of Thomas 
Jefferson, vol. vi. pp. 537, 533. — Eds. 


the error must be carried to account with the losses by 
tempests, earthquakes, &c. 

Yours with great friendship, 

Th : Jefferson. 

Thomas W. Maury, Esq. 


Monticello, Feb. 1, 1816. 

My dear Sir and Friend, — I recieved yesterday your 
favor of Nov. 29, from which I learn with much mortifica- 
tion (of the palate at least) that my letter of the 3 d of 
July has never got to your hands. It was confided to 
the Secretary of State's office. Regrets are now useless, 
and the proper object to supply it's place. It related 
generally to things friendly, to things political, &c, but 
the material part was a request of some particular wines 
which were therein specified. 

1. White Hermitage of the growth of M. Jourdan ; 
not of the dry kind, but what we call silky, which in your 
letter just recieved you say are called doux. Bat by our 
term silky we do not mean sweet, but sweetish in the small- 
est degree only. My taste in this is the reverse of Mr. 
Butler's, who you say likes the dry and sparkling, I the 
non mousseux & un peu doucereux. 

2. Vin de Nice, as nearly as possible of the quality of 
that sent me by Mr. Sasserno formerly, whose death, by 
the bye, I had not before heard of, and much regret. 

3. Yin de Roussilon. I used to meet with this at the 
best tables of Paris, where it was drank after the repast, 
as a vin de liqueur. It was a little higher colored than 
Madeira, near as strong and dry, and of fine flavor. I am 
not certain of the particular name, but that of Rivesalte 

* Stephen Cathalan was for a very long time consul of the United States at Marseilles, 
and a business correspondent of Jefferson. — Eds. 


runs in my head. If, from what you know of the Rive- 
salte it should answer this description nearly, then we may 
be sure this was the wine ; if it does not, you will prob- 
ably be able to know what wine of Roussilon corresponds 
with the qualities I describe. 

I requested that after paying for 50 lb of maccaroni out 
of the 200 dollars, and reserving what would pay all 
charges till shipped, about a fifth of the residue should be 
laid out in Hermitage, and the remaining four fifths in 
Vins de Nice [and ?] Roussillon equally. Send to any 
port from Boston to the Chesapeak inclusive, but to Nor- 
folk or Richmond of preference, if a conveyance occurs. 
If addressed to the Collector of the Port, he will receive 
& forward them to Richmond, which is at the head of the 
tidewater of James River on which I live, and from 
whence it conies by boat navigation. I suppose you can 
never be long without vessels at Marseilles bound to some 
of our ports above described. Were it to be otherwise the 
wines might come thro' the canal of Languedoc to Mr. 
Lee, our consul at Bordeaux, but this would increase risk 
and expence, & is only mentioned as a pis-aller, and left 
entirely to your judgement. 

The political speculations of my letter of July 3 are not 
worth repeating because the events on which they were 
hazarded have changed backwards & forwards, two or 
three times since that. My wishes are for the happiness 
of France, without caring what executive magistrate 
makes her happy. I must confess, however, I did not 
wish it to be Bonaparte. I considered him as the very 
worst of all human beings, & as having inflicted more 
misery on mankind than any other who had ever lived. 
I was very unwilling that the example of his parricide 
usurpation should finally stand approved by success. He 
is now off the scene, I hope never to return on it ; but 
whether you are much more at your ease in the hands of 
the allies, you know better than I do. On the subject of 

1816.] MARY B. BRIGGS. 251 

your continuance in the consulate, I hope you will never 
have any thing to fear ; never, certainly whilst any effort 
of mine can have any weight with the government ; and 
in a late letter to the Secretary of State, wherein I had 
occasion to speak of you, I have placed your merits on 
ground which I think will never be assailed. God bless 
you and preserve you many years in health and prosperity. 

Th : Jefferson. 

M. Cathalan. 


Wilmington, Del., 3 rd mo th 7 th , 1816. 

Although personally unacquainted, I have, from my 
infancy, been taught to love and revere Thomas Jefferson. 
Those sentiments were early implanted in my mind by 
my father, who ever felt for him the most high respect 
and affectionate esteem ; and now, when I hear from that 
beloved & excellent father of the renewed instances of 
the generous goodness we have admired, and when every 
grateful feeling is excited to enthusiasm in my mind, I 
cannot deny nryself the pleasure of offering, with my 
father's, my thanks. Wilt thou accept, dear, kind friend, 
the artless but sincere offering of one who knows herself 
capable of feeling, but regrets her total inability to make 
thee sensible of the fervor of those feelings by any expres- 
sions ; the simple assurance of my grateful sense of obli- 
gation is all I can offer. May this be accepted ? " Had 
it not been for his kindness," says my father in his letter, 
" I could not have sent Anna & Mary to Weston School." 
I feel the obligation particularly. Oh ! that I could suit- 
ably acknowledge it ; but now let me again assure thee, 
on the behalf of a large family and myself, that if our 

* Daughter of Isaac Briggs, who had long been a friend and correspondent of Jefferson. 
By profession he was a surveyor, and was often indebted to Jefferson's good offices. In 
the following year he was appointed a surve3 r or on the Erie Canal. — Eds. 


prayers to Him who is able to bestow every blessing on 
the deserving, and which will be prefered in the sincerity 
of our hearts, if they are heard and granted, the happi- 
ness of Thomas Jefferson will be so great in this life as to 
be capable of little addition in that which is to come. 

I would ask thee to excuse my freedom of style, but 
that I believe one more studied would be less acceptable. 

I know that freedom & friendship are sjmonymous, and 
where I feel the latter I cannot divest myself of the 

With sentiments of the most respectful esteem and 
high consideration, I shall ever be thy friend, 

Mary B. Briggs. 


Gottingen, March 15, 1S16. 

Dear Sir, — I have already in my letter from London, 
and in the letters I have written you from here, Oct. 14, 
Oct. 30, and Novem. 25, told you of so many changes in 
my plans that, if I were not sure that you will appreciate 
my reasons, I should be almost ashamed to write you 
now to tell you of another. The truth, however, is, that 
I find Gottingen so entirely suited to my purposes, the 
opportunities and means and inducements to pursue those 
studies to which I mean to devote my life are so admi- 
rable here, that I have determined to protract my stay 
in Europe in order to enjoy them a year longer. To this 
resolution I came on the 27 Jan., in consequence of letters 
received the day before from home ; and as I of course at 

* Unlike the other letters from Mr. Ticknor in the Jefferson Papers, this letter, which 
fills four pages in the writer's very neat and characteristic hand, is a press copy on thin 
paper, and has evidently been torn from a Letter Book of the kind in ordinary use for 
taking copies by pressure. The paper has the water-mark, " Prepared Copying Paper. 
J. Watt & C°. Soho. Staffordshire." Several creases would seem to indicate that the 
letter was folded at two different times in different ways; and it seems not unlikely that 
Mr. Ticknor retained the original, and sent the press copy to Jefferson, through the 
hands of Mr. Elisha Ticknor. — Eds. 

1816.] GEORGE TICKNOR. 253 

the same time determined to defer my visit to France a 
year longer, I immediately made arrangements for the 
purchase of your books in Paris. I could have easily 
effected this by a literary friend of mine there, but as I 
knew Mr. Warden's personal respect for you, and as you 
had told me that he is "an excellent bibliograph," I 
wrote to him on the same 27th of Jan y , desiring him to 
procure them. A few days since I received his answer of 
Feb. 12, in which he very willingly promised to undertake 
it. To-day I have received your favor of Jan. 12, and 
have instantly written to him and given him your supple- 
ment to your catalogue. I hope these arrangements will 
meet your approbation, and I think they will, as they are 
the best I could make, though I should much have preferred 
to purchase them myself, because it is the only opportunity 
I may ever have of returning you the many obligations 
vou have conferred on me. This I could have done to 
great advantage in Holland, where the general poverty 
and the failing spirit of literature has made the classicks 
disgracefully cheap ; but then your list was not received, 
or even made out. In Germany I have thought it best 
to do nothing, for the strong spirit of recovered inde- 
pendence, tho' not freedom, and the perpetual literary 
labour of the learned make those old editions of the 
classicks which you desire very rare, and from 120 to 150 
per cent, higher than in Holland, and probably 50 or 60 
higher than in Paris. If, however, you should like to 
have any of the recent editions, which have given a new 
and more philosophical and acute character to the study 
of antiquity, Germany and Gottingen will best afford 
them ; or if a year hence you should need anything from 
France or Italy, I shall eagerly seize the opportunity to 
procure it, and can safely forward it to you, as I am 
continually sending books to America. 

The letters, however, which your kindness gave me, 
have embarassed me much more than the commission for 


the books. I have already told you that immediately on 
my arrival here, I sent the one for the Baron de Moll 
directly to him by one of the professors, and since then 
I have returned you the one for Mons. de Nemours, as he 
is already in the U. S. I could easily send the others to 
France, but La Fayette and Kosciuzco are no longer there, 
and I can neither procure Mons. Say's address, or even 
ascertain in what quarter of the world he is. They, 
therefore, still remain with me, waiting for favourable 

The longer I have continued here, the better I. have 
been satisfied with my situation, and the more reasons 
and inducements I have found to protract my residence. 
The state of society is, indeed, poor : but the means and 
opportunities for pursuing the study of the languages — 
particularly the ancient — are, I am persuaded, entirely 
unrivalled. As I have already written you in my long 
letter on German literature, I was told even in England, 
and by D r Parr, England's best and perhaps vainest clas- 
sical scholar, that Germany was farther advanced in the 
study of antiquity than any other nation. This I find to 
be true. The men of letters here bring a philosophical 
spirit to the labour of exposition which is wanting in the 
same class in all other countries. The consequence is 
that the study of the classicks has taken a new and more 
free turn within the last forty years, and Germany now 
leaves England at least twenty years behind in the course 
where before it always stood first. This has been chiefly 
effected by the constitution of their universities, where the 
professors are kept perpetually in a grinding state of ex- 
citement and emulation, and by the constitution of their 
literary society generally, which admits no man to its 
honours who has not written a good book. The conse- 
quence, to be sure, is that the professors are more envious 
and jealous of each other than can be well imagined by 
one who has not been actually within the atmosphere of 


their spleen, and that more bad and indifferent books 
are printed than in any country in the world ; but then 
the converse of both is true, and they have more learned 
professors and authors at this moment than England & 
France put together. 

I would gladly hope that the favour of your corre- 
spondence may be continued to me from time to time, 
even after the commission for your books has been exe- 
cuted. If you feel any interest in the state of literature 
in Germany, which has sprung forth in the last thirty 
years as unbidden and as perfect as the miraculous 
harvest of Jason, I can be able to give you occasionally 
pleasant information ; and when I reach France I shall 
be able to write to you from the midst of your old 
friends, and from a place associated in your imagination 
with very many interesting, though perhaps not always 
pleasant, recollections. If these slight inducements are 
sufficient, with your own kindness, to procure me the 
favour of an occasional letter, I shall feel myself under 
new obligations to you. I shall also feel it as a great 
favour if you will give me your opinion on the prospects 
of learning in the U. S. and the best means of promoting 
it, — a subject which now occupies much of my attention. 

I pray you to remember me very respectfully and 
gratefully to your family. 

Your obliged & obed* ser*. 

Geo: Ticknor. 

Letters to me, I believe, will continue to come more 
safely and quickly through the hands of my father. 


April 17, 16. 
I thank you, my excellent young friend, for your kind 
letter of Mar. 7. The heart must be of uncommon sensi- 


bility which feels so strongly slight degrees of merit in 
others. If I have ever been useful to your father, it was 
by doing what was much more useful to the public for 
whom I acted, by availing them of the services of a faith- 
ful and able citizen. It is not, then, to me you are in- 
debted, but to his worth and science which marked him 
for notice. Mine was but an act of duty, which, like the 
payment of a debt, has no merit to claim ; and I feel my- 
self fully remunerated by it's having been the means of 
introducing to me the knolege of an amiable daughter, 
inheriting the kind heart of her father, copying, in the 
age of the passions, the virtues of a model tested by time 
and experience. Go on, then, my worthy friend, in this 
career of excellence, and be strong in the assurance given 
by an inspired pen, " I have been young, and now I am 
old, and yet never saw I the righteous forsaken, or his 
seed begging their bread." And if the prayers of an old 
man can be of any avail, you shall ever have mine most 
ardently. Accept my friendly salutations. 

Th : Jefferson. 

Miss Mary B. Briggs. 


City of Washington, 9 th June, 1S16. 
Dear Sir, — I have received your very friendly letter, 
& I really feel ashamed at putting you to the necessity of 
writing for the paintings you were so kind as to lend me 
to copy ; but still more so to offer any apology for not im- 
mediately sending them : however, I must do it, for they 
are yet here. The head by Stewart I really think one 
of the finest I ever saw, & having commenced it, I was in 

* William Thornton was a native of the West Indies, and was educated as a physician. 
He was placed at the head of the Patent Office in 1802, and continued in that position until 
his death in 1827. Resides his other accomplishments he was a skilled architect; and he 
planned the first capitol at Washington, and superintended the early part of its construc- 
tion. Sec Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. vi. pp. 104, 105. — Eds. 


hopes of finishing it before the departure of the President 
& his lady, & of sending it by them or M r . Todd ; but my 
public duties are so oppressive, in consequence of the long 
sickness and inability of my clerk to render me any aid, 
that I have not finished it, and after keeping it so long I 
should feel like a sinner for leaving the work undone, and 
I mean to dedicate every spare moment to it till I make it 
worthy of the original, if possible. I should be very sorry 
to delay the work of M r . Delaplaine ; but in his return, if 
he will favor me with his company, he can make a copy 
of it here before it be sent back, and examine mine. I 
hope to be able to get it modelled hereafter, & it is, 
therefore, necessary to equal the original, if possible. I 
shall afterwards seek for such an opportunity of sending 
them as will ensure their safety. 

We had not the pleasure of seeing your charming & 
accomplished grand daughter in her return. I know that 
she had made several conquests before she left Washing- 
ton, & if she keep a list of the dying & wounded I query 
whether she will not soon equal Gen 1 Jackson's. She is 
very much admired, & very much beloved, — she could 
not be otherwise, being handsome, accomplished, & very 
amiable. I am, dear Sir, 

with the highest respect, consideration, & esteem, 
Yours very sincerely, & c . 

William Thornton. 

Hon blc Thomas Jefferson. 


Monticello, June 19, 16. 

I thank you, dear Sir, for the eulogy of Mr. Dexter, 
which you have been so kind as to send me, and I sub- 

* Joseph Story, one of the most eminent jurists this country has produced, was born 
in Marblehead, Mass., Sept. 18, 1779, and died in Cambridge Sept. 10, 1845. In No- 
vember, 1811, when little more than thirty-two, he was made an Associate Justice of the 
Supreme Court of the United States. See Story's Life and Letters of Joseph Story. — Eds. 



scribe with sincerity to the testimonies it bears of his 
merits.* No one rendered more justice to his virtues & 
talents than myself ; and if, in political matters we enter- 
tained some differences of opinion, they were on both 
sides the result of honest conviction, and held by both 
as inoffensive as differences of feature. His loss was a 
real affliction to the friends of our Union, & especially at 
a crisis when a successor was in question to the impor- 
tant magistracy for which he was proposed. I am fond, 
however, of believing that the majority with you will still 
return to the sacred principle of fidelity to the Union, 
and will see in the duties which he would have incul- 
cated their own most important interests. Accept the 
assurance of my great esteem and respect. 

Th : Jefferson. 

The honble. Judge Story. 


Philadelphia, July 18, 16. 

Dear Sir, — Your favor of May 5 is the last I have 
had the pleasure of recieving from you. It crossed on 
the road one I wrote to you of May 7. This last was to 
inclose to you, as agreed on with M r Higginbotham, his 
mortgage & last bond. I hope & take for granted they 
were recieved by you, & that M r H. has disposed of them 
to his satisfaction. I am the more certain of this, as he 
would certainly have written to me on the subject had he 
not recieved them. This terminates the affair between 
M r H. & me. I wish I could say the same of M r Carter. 
I always apprehended delay & difficulty with him, & in 
this I am not disappointed. To my first letter he sent an 
answer after so long a delay that I had despaired of it, 

* The eulogy referred to was a Sketch of the Life of Samuel Dexter, LL.D., by Judge 
Story, " delivered to the Grand Jurors of the District of Massachusetts, and to the members 
of the Suffolk Bar, at the Opening of the Court in Boston, May 15, 1816." — Eds. 

1816.] WILLIAM SHORT. 259 

expressive in general terms of his good disposition. I 
then wrote to him to state the ace* as I understood it with 
the interest at 5 p ct ., & requested him if he found it accu- 
rate to send me a bond or some specialty for it. To this 
I got no answer ; after waiting a month I wrote a second 
time, on the 1 st inst. To this I have no answer either, & 
now I do not expect one. So that I have got already to 
a non plus. I did not apprehend so much difficulty in 
getting a bond or written promise. I thought that would 
come at the time of realizing the paper. I know not how 
I am to procure from him this specialty. He seems fully 
aware of the advantage of witholding it. To pay 5 p ct on 
the simple sum is of course much better than 6 p ct on 
the compound sum of principal & interest. 

Some time ago M. de Grouchy told me he was going 
with his friend Gen 1 Clausel to make you a visit at Mon- 
ticello, & requested me, if I should write to you, to mention 
it. I learned at that time from M. Correa that you were 
in Bedford, and this I mentioned to Grouchy. He is, as 
you know, the brother of M de de Condorcet. I did not 
understand from him whether his visit was grounded on 
her former acquaintance with you, or whether he had a 
letter from Lafayette, with whom he is intimate, or 
whether he went on the principle generally of paying 
respect to you. The French, you know, form to them- 
selves duties of this kind. I have been also requested 
by a person of a perfectly opposite character to mention 
to you, when I should write, that it had been his in- 
tention, when he lately waited on the President at Mont- 
pelier, to have extended his visit to Monticello in order 
to pay his respects to you, but he learned at M r M's 
that you were not at home. It is his intention, how- 
ever, to do himself that honor on some future occasion. 
This is M. Hide de Neuville, the new French minister. 
He & poor Grouchy are in very different situations, but 
each has had his vicissitudes. Neuville is also a mem- 


ber of the House of Deputies & represented as one of the 
ultra Royalist party. Political or party spirit may blind 
him to a certain degree, but his heart is most excellent. 

I have kept for la bonne louche to inform you that 
Correa & D r Wistar purpose going together to visit you 
during this summer. The former, as you know of course, 
is entering the diplomatic career. He was giving us a 
course of botanical lectures when the information was 
first recieved here. He did not abandon it, but has 
now just finished the course. His translation to Wash- 
ington will be a real loss to us inhabitants of Phila- 
delphia. Still, we joy in his joy. 

I am really sorry to learn that you are so much over- 
whelmed & obliged to be anchored to a writing-table. 
You are certainly entitled to " the softest pillow for the 
head of old a^e." I was far from wishing to throw 
you again into " the furnace of politics." I thought 
that the tracing your own memoirs might be a sooth- 
ing labor, & a most valuable legacy to your country, 
peculiarly useful & instructive to those who from the 
nature of things must always, at least during the present 
constitution, govern this country. I mean the organs of 
the democratic party. If your own experience has in- 
duced you to change or modify any of your political opin- 
ions, — & it is the wise man particularly who is enlightened 
by experience. — you might leave this as a legacy to your 
successors. For instance, if you think it a dangerous 
policy to admit foreigners into our political rights, if you 
think it would increase the love & pride of country to 
make birth the sole & exclusive door of entry into this 
sanctuary, if you think that this Republic may be, as 
Rome was, lost by this kind of bastard amalgamation, 
your voice & solemn warning would, I think, be listened 
to. You are now beyond the power of party influence, & 
it would therefore respect you. But already such is the 
power & influence of foreign editors in this country that 

1816. J WILLIAM SHORT. 261 

no man who is a candidate for popular favor can advise 
a reformation with impunity. See what has happened to 
Crawford. I know nothing of the man, — I never saw 
him ; but it is evident that he is lost by the mere hint that 
he gave, which indeed was done in a very unnecessary 
manner. The ideas that I recollect to have read in your 
Notes on Virginia appear to me to be perfect on that 
subject. (I have lost my copy of this work. If you have 
one to spare I will be much obliged to you for it.) There 
are other changes that are desirable in our constitution. 
It is impossible that your experience should not have dis- 
covered some, I should think ; & I think a recommenda- 
tion from you, either given now or left as a legacy, would 
be listened to with pleasure & certainly with profit. The 
idea of having been useful to your country not only dur- 
ing your whole life, but to continue to be so after your 
death, must be a motive worthy of you. However, I will 
urge nothing more, being persuaded that whatever you 
may do in this behalf will be rightly done. 

What I have asked, I asked for your country's sake ; 
one thing more I will ask for your sake. I know your 
sentiments on the infamous traffic in human flesh ; many 
others know them also, but there are some who do not, & 
all know you inhabit a slave State & are an owner of 
slaves, which the candid will acknowlege to be the un- 
avoidable lot of an inhabitant of such a State. Congress 
have taken some steps towards the preventing their sub- 
jects from being involved in this foul traffic, but experi- 
ence shews it is not sufficient. I could wish you would in 
some public way urge on them the rooting out this in- 
famous evil. There are scoundrels living in Rhode Island 
particularly, who openly carry it on & make so much the 
more profit that many are prevented from engaging in 
it. Adieu, my dear Sir. God bless & preserve you. 
Believe me ever & forever your friend, 

W. Short. 



Monticello, July 27, 16. 

Dear Sir, — Your favor of the 20 th is recieved, and I 
take up my pen merely to assure you I had not mentioned 
the return of the paintings from any hurry to recieve them, 
but merely to make known a safe occasion of sending 
them, if done with. I thank you for the offer to place a 
copy of one of them here in oil, but Stewart's original 
takes as much room on the walls as the thing is worth. 
With respect to the merit of Otis's painting * I am not 
qualified to say any thing, for this is a case where the 
precept of " know thyself " does not apply. The ladies 
from the studies of their looking glasses may be good 
judges of their own faces ; but we see ours only under a 
mask of soap-suds and the scrapings of the razor. 

Accept always the assurance of my great esteem & 

Th : Jefferson. 

D r . Thornton. 


Monticello, Sep. 3, 16. 

Dear Sir, — Your favor of August has been duly re- 
cieved, with the pamphlet it covered. f Col . Monroe hap- 
pened to be at his seat adjoining me, and to dine with 
me the day I recieved it. I thought I could not make 
better use of it than by putting it into his hands, to 

* Bass Otis painted a portrait of Jefferson, which was engraved for Joseph Delaplaine's 
Portrait Gallery. — Eds. 

t The reference is to a pamphlet of fifty-two octavo pages published by Charles Pinck- 
ney in 1816, under the title of " Observations to shew the Propriety of the Nomination of 
Colonel James Monroe, to the Presidency of the United States by the Caucus at AVashing- 
ton. In which a full answer is given to the pamphlet entitled 'Exposition of the motives 
fur opposing the nomination of Mr. Monroe as President of the United States.' By a 
South-Carolinian." It is a vigorous defence of the public life of Mr. Monroe, and strongly 
advocated his nomination. — Eds. 

1816.] ELISHA TICKNOR. 263 

let him know his friends. You say nothing in your let- 
ter of your health, which, after so long an interval, can- 
not but be interesting to a friend. I hope it continues 
firm. As for myself, I weaken very sensibly, yet with 
such a continuance of good health as makes me fear I 
shall wear out very tediously, which is not what one 
would wish. I see no comfort in outliving one's friends, 
and remaining a mere monument of the times which are 
past. I withdraw myself as much as possible from poli- 
tics, and gladly shelter myself under the wings of the 
generation for which, in our day, we have labored faith- 
fully to provide shelter. 

Your's with continued friendship & respect, 

Th : Jefferson. 

Charles Pinckney, Esq. 


Honourable Thomas Jefferson, Monticello, Virginia. 

Boston, 22 d Octo., 1816. 

Sir, — Your favour of the 15 th August last reach'd Bos- 
ton in my absence, on a long journey in the country. I re- 
turned two days ago and found your letter, which informs 
me that my son is " about sending me out books," and at 
the same time will forward " a parcel " to me to be for- 
warded to you. These books have not yet arrived, and 
since he has resolved to continue another year in Gottin- 
gen I have supposed he would be a little more tardy in 
collecting books for himself than he otherwise would have 
been. But I am sure he wont fail exactly and punctu- 
ally (if possible) to execute your orders agreeably to your 
wishes. It has, in my absence, been rumoured that 
your boohs and his were ship'd on board the Brig Abeona 
at Hamburg. I did not on hearing it believe it was true. 
This vessel, as probably you have heard, was lost soon 


after she left Hamburg. The letters from my son have 
in no instance, from the 1 st Jan y last to the 6 tb July, 
stated to me his intentions of sending out books, 'till after 
he had visited many of the principal cities in Germany 
and attended some of the Book-Fairs, at which he had 
made strong calculations to be able to furnish himself 
with such books as he wanted for his own library, as well 
as execute the orders of his friends. After thus premis- 
ing, I have two strong circumstances to induce me to 
believe that neither your books nor his were on board the 
Abeona at the time she was lost : viz., 1 st , those merchants 
of this town who had goods on board have received 
their invoices. I have received none. 2 d , A M r Clark, a 
young merchant of this town also, who had ship'd at 
Hamburg personally many goods on board the Abeona, 
call'd on me yesterday to inform me that on his way 
from Hamburg to Paris he stopt a few hours at Gottingen 
and call'd on my son, who was well about the 8 th August. 
I inquired of him very particularly whether my son had 
shipt merchandize of any kind on board the Abeona. 
He informed me he was confident he had not, as he was 
much with his commission merchant, as well as with the 
captain of the vessel. I think, therefore, we may fairly 
conclude that no loss has happened either to yourself or 
to my son. When the books arrive, you may rely on my 
strictest attention to your orders, than which nothing will 
give me more pleasure than to serve the father and friend 
of my country. Sir, the following lines in your letter 
give me much courage and satisfaction : " The account he 
gives me of the German literature is very interesting, and 
such as I had not been before apprised of. It seems well 
worthy of his avail, and he is accordingly sowing the seed 
of what, with his genius and industry, will yield a rich 
harvest." Such lines and opinion, Sir, considering the 
source whence they came, his experience and age, his 
judgment and foresight, console and calm the heart of a 


father who, at times, has almost regretted the enterprise 
he suffered his son to undertake. Please to accept, Sir, 
for the confidence you have reposed in him, the thanks 
and highest consideration of 

Your most obedient 

And very humble servant, 

Elisha Ticknor. 


Nov. 26, 17. 

Sir, — You have not been mistaken in supposing my 
views and feelings to be in favor of the abolition of war. 
Of my disposition to maintain peace until it's condition 
shall be made less tolerable than that of war itself, the 
world has had proofs, and more, perhaps, than it has 
approved. I hope it is practicable, by improving the 
mind & morals of society, to lessen the disposition to war ; 
but of it's abolition I despair. Still, on the axiom that a 
less degree of evil is preferable to a greater, no means 
should be neglected which may add weight to the better 
scale. The enrollment you propose, therefore, of my 
name in the records of your society cannot be unaccept- 
able to me. It will be a true testimony of my principles 
and persuasion that the state of peace is that which most 
improves the manners and morals, the prosperity and 
happiness of mankind ; and altho' I dare not promise 
myself that it can be perpetually maintained, yet if, by 
the inculcations of reason or religion, the perversities of 

* Rev. Dr. Noah Worcester, now best known for his advocacy of peace between nations, 
and as the first Secretary of the Massachusetts Peace Society, was born in Hollis, N. H., 
Nov. 25, 1758, and died in Brighton, Mass., Oct. 31, 1837. During the Revolution he 
served for a time in the army as a fifer, and was present at the battles of Bunker Hill and 
Bennington. Subsequently he taught school, and afterward entered the ministry, and for 
fifteen years he was minister of a church in Thornton, N. H. He had been brought up as 
a Trinitarian, but previous to his removal to Brighton, in 1813, he became an avowed Uni- 
tarian. He was a voluminous writer on religious and philanthropic themes. See Ware's 
Memoirs of the Rev. Noah Worcester, D.D. — Eds. 


our nature can be so far corrected as sometimes to pre- 
vent the necessity, either supposed or real, of an appeal to 
the blinder scourges of war, murder, & devastation, the 
benevolent endeavors of the friends of peace will not be 
entirely without remuneration. I pray you to accept the 
assurance of my respect & consideration. 

Th : Jefferson. 

M r . Noah Worcester, Brighton, Mass. 


Philad.,22 Jany., 1818. 
Ev* 9 o'clock. 

D. Sir, — The friend of man & of science, our invaluable 
friend is no more ; within an hour he has been taken from 
us.* The loss of D. Wistar leaves a breach never to be 
repair'd to us, or to the public. He has been the focus 
round which the votaries of science & public good col- 
lected ; he animated them by his counsel & his example. 
Our Society, the Medical School, & almost every useful 
institution, where knowledge was to be extended or be- 
nevolence exercised, found in him a warm & enlightend 
supporter. But what can I say to you that you do not 
know better than myself ? In our feeling & regrets we are 
equal. He has for years been the greatest source of my 
comfort & enjoyment ; & how could it be otherwise when 
I was gratified by his society two or three times in every 
week whilst he was in Philad a , & assisted him in many of 
his useful & philanthropic plans ? But I must close ; my 
heart is too full to proceed. 

Yours as ever, 

Jn. Vaughan. 

Thomas Jefferson, Monticello. 

* Dr. Caspar Wistar was born in Philadelphia, Sept. 13, 1761, and died there Jan. 22, 
1818. He succeeded Jefferson as President of the American Philosophical Society in 1815. 
— Eds. 

1818.] JOHN VAUGHAN. 267 


Philad., Feb? 12, 1818. 

D. Sir, — I take the liberty of enclosing a list of queries 
which Judge Tilghman has handed to me* Many of these 
are local, but if to any of them you can give a reply which 
may assist him in the task he has undertaken & enable 
him to do the justice he wishes to our deceased friend 
(whose loss we every day feel more & more), it is very de- 
sirable. Whatever you can do & do speedily will be most 
thankfully received by him & felt by his worthy family, 
who selected M r Tilghman as the person of their wish to 
pronounce the eulogy. I am engaged in procuring the local 
information. It is proposed to deliver it in the first days 
of March, that the students may have the advantage of 
hearing it. 

We shall try to keep up the Saturday evening meetings. 
We propose the plan to M r Tilghman, Rawle, N. Biddle, 
Du Ponceau, R. M. Patterson, Collins, & myself, & to 
endeavor to see strangers of merit passing through. We 
shall want the atractive magnet, but we shall derive 
pleasure from the attempt & the recollection of the 
friend who established them & gave them such interest. 
I remain, with great respect, 

Your ob. serv* & friend, 

Jn. Vaughan. 

The river being closed, your letter for Cathalan is sent 
to N York. 

Have you a spare copy of the Report on Fisheries whilst 
you was Sec. State ? I want it for M. de la Monniere, who 

* William Tilghman, an eminent jurist, was born in Talbot County, Md., Aug. 12, 1756, 
and died in Philadelphia, April 30, 1827. In 1818 he delivered before the American Philo- 
sophical Society a Eulogium in Commemoration of Dr. Caspar Wistar. See Appleton's 
Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. vi. p. 116. — Eds. 


is Superintendant of the French Fisheries, & is publishing 
a very learned & interesting work on this subject. If you 
have, I think I can make a good use of it for the society. 

1. When was D r Wistar born, & where ? 

2. From what country did his ancestors emigrate, 
when did they arrive, & in what degree of kindred was he 
to the first emigrant ? 

3. In what school did he recieve his classical education ? 

4. Under what physician did he study medicine, & when 
did he commence ? 

5. At what time did he take his degree or degrees in 
medicine, & in what colleges ? 

6. When did he go to Europe, & to what parts did he 
go, & when did he return ? 

7. What offices or professorships has he held in this 
city, & what were the periods of his appointments ? 

8. Has he made any discovery's in arts or sciences, & 
when ? 

9. What were the striking excellencies in his mode of 
lecturing on Anatomy ? 

10. What printed works was he the author of ? 

11. What works in manuscript did he leave, finished or 
unfinished ? 

12. What were his domestic habits? 

13. What were his religious sentiments ? 

14. Are there any striking anectotes with regard to his 
life or his death, which may be properly inserted in his 
euloinum ? 


15. What distinguished persons in Europe & also what 
in America were his intimate friends & correspondents ? 

16. What other services did he render to science. & in 
what manner ? 

1818.] THOMAS COOPER. 269 


Monticello, Mar. 20, 18. 

Dear Sir, — I recieved yesterday your favor of the 
16 th , and am thankful for your attention to my wants. I 
saw William Johnson the evening before his boat started 
last. He told me that he should not go down himself, 
but that his brother would, and he would be answerable 
for every thing trusted to him as if to himself. I was on 
horse back and at the river side, so could not give him a 
written order, but shall hereafter be willing to trust his 
boat, whether he is with it himself or not, and consequently 
would wish the rest of my wines to be delivered to the 
conductor of his boat whenever called for. The impossi- 
bility of buying raw cotton obliges [me] to recur to the 
cultivating it myself. So much has it [got] out of prac- 
tice that even the seed is lost in this part of the country. 
Could you possibly buy me a sack or barrel of about 5 
bushels ? It will be a great accomodation to me. 
Affectionately yours, 

Th : Jefferson. 

Cap* Peyton. 


Philadelphia, 19th Ap., 1818. 

Dear Sir, — I received your letter yesterday. For the 
present I am bound here. The friends who exert them- 
selves in endeavouring to promote my interest require of 
me that the pains they have taken shall not be rendered 
nugatory. If D r Dorsey be elected in the room of D r Wis- 
tar, which is likely, if D r Coxe be elected in the room of 

* Bernard Peyton was a commission merchant in Richmond, and during the latter part 
of Jefferson's life transacted most, if not all, of his business in that city. It is interesting 
to note the fact that in consequence of the difficulty of buying raw cotton, in 1818, Jefferson 
proposed "to recur to the cultivating it " himself. The principal products of his planta- 
tions were wheat and tobacco. — Eds. 


D r Dorsey, which also is likely, but by no means void of 
doubt, it will also be likely that I shall succeed Coxe. 
The gross folly and manifest insufficiency of Mr Hare 
has put him hors du combat. If he and D r Smith stay 
at Williamsburgh, that college raises its head no more. 
When these probabilities will be put to the test, I know 
not exactly. I have been invited to New York where 
they are going to establish a legislative board of agricul- 
ture with a chemical professorship annexed to it, but if I 
do not stay here, I shall not give a thought to any other 
situation but that which you propose. 

I send you the account of the institution here, & my 
notions of what it w d be desireable for a young man to 
learn at an university, where he will have to reside three 
years. At Oxford & Cambridge, four years are required 
previous to a degree. I wish it were so here, for the 
haste with which young men are pushed forward into 
active life seems to me a national misfortune. 

I have purposely omitted a theological course. If the 
evidences of Xtianity are fairly given on both sides, it is 
impossible to avoid very strong doubts as to the validity 
of the evidences in its favour. If only one side be laid be- 
fore the student, it will be fraud. I have a right to say 
this, having possessed myself of, and consulted, nearly all 
the antient fathers, and studied the question with great 
labour and anxiety, as much as possible au fond. I think, 
therefore, it is best to avoid the subject, & leave religion 
to the direction of the parents of the young men. 

You ought to look forward to making your university a 
medical school. For this purpose a hospital will be abso- 
lutely necessary ; not merely on account of clinical lectures 
(of all lectures the most useful), but of subjects for dis- 
section. We have too many professors in the medical 
school here, and the course ought to continue not less 
than six months. The pupils hurry through their duties, 
without having time to obtain the necessary knowledge. 

1818.] THOMAS COOPER. 271 

1. Surgery & Midwifery ; 2. Anatomy & Comparative 
Anatomy with Physiology] 3. Theory & Practise of Medi- 
cine ; 4. Materia Medica, Botany, & Pharmacy, — the two 
last of which do not enter into our medical course here ; 
5. Chemistry & Chemical Materia Medica. 

We have actually, 1. Anatomy; 2. Surgery; 3. Mid- 
wifery ; 4. Materia Medica ; 5. Chemistry. The clinical 
lectures are separately given at the hospital & almshouse ; 
and given not necessarily by the medical professors. The 
course extends from the beginning of November to the 
end of February. They ought to begin in October, & 
finish not before the end of March at the soonest. Much 
care is taken here in examinations, particularly weekly 
examinations, technically denominated here quizzes. 

I do not think I dilate much, but I find great difficulty 
in giving a tolerable course of chemistry under four 
months, at 5 lectures a week : six months at four lectures 
a week would be more beneficial ; it would afford useful 
time both to professor & student. 

I regret I cannot be with you the beginning of May. 
My first course of mineralogy was a new thing here ; 
few attended me ; at the close of the course, they wrote 
me unanimously & voluntarily a very complimentary 
letter, and requested me to repeat my course of lectures, 
becoming subscribers anew. They have mustered for me 
a class of about forty, which is daily encreasing ; & as I 
have undertaken to lecture twice a day, repeating in the 
evening my lecture of the morning, I do not see how I 
can stirr without breach of contract. It would on every 
account be to me most desirable to accompany M r Correa, 
who has been very ill at Norfolk ; but I do not see how I 
can do so without breach of propriety. Indeed, he w T rote 
me that he would be here in May, as I understood his 
letter from Norfolk on the 10th of April. 

I once mentioned to you M r Stack, or Slack, who was 
at Lynchburgh. I have heard him act in capacity of 


classical tutor, much to my satisfaction. He was of 
Trinity College, Dublin. I greatly doubt whether you will 
procure a better teacher. Is he the worse for having lost 
the freshness of recent importation ? I think you might 
enquire farther concerning him, with profit to your insti- 
tution. At all times, whatever suggestions I can make 
for the benefit of the college you have set on foot, 
you will command. Pray accept my most affectionate 

Thomas Cooper. 


Monticello, Nov. 8, 18. 

Dear Sir, — I inclose you 4 letters lately recieved, 
which I suppose to be from your friends in Ireland, 
and which I hope may give you agreeable news from 

I return you also the papers which Mr. Dinsmore gave 
me from you, and I see, not without sensible regret, that 
our ideas of the mode of charging interest are very 
different. I never in my life paid a cent of compound 
interest, being principled against it ; not but that com- 
pound may be made as just as simple interest, but then 
it should be at a lower rate. Interest, simple or com- 
pound, is a compensation for the use of money, and the 
legislature supposed, as is the truth & general opinion, 
that taking one mode of employing money with another, 
6 per cent simple interest is an average profit ; but had 
they established a compensation by way of compound 
interest, they would have probably fixed it at 4 or 4^ per 
cent. The difference it makes in our case is but a little 
over 40 D., — a sum which with you I think nothing of, 
could I allow myself to countenance what I think is 

* This letter is printed from Jefferson's polygraph copy. It is addressed at the foot of 
the page to " M r Xeilson," but is indorsed in Jefferson's hand "John Nelson." — Eds. 

1818.] JOSEPH M. SANDERSON. 273 

wrong, without pretending to censure those who think 
differently ; as it is, your debt, in the form in which I 
always considered it, shall be paid out of the proceeds 
of my crop now going to market as soon as sold, which 
possibly may be not till April. Your debt has remained 
in my hands because not called for, & in the belief 
you had no expectation of placing it at better profit. 
Had I ever supposed you wished to employ it otherwise, 
it should never have been kept from you a moment. In 
no case, however, will this difference of opinion lessen 
my wishes to be useful to you, nor my friendly esteem 
for you. 

Th: Jefferson. 



Baltimore, Dec. 9, 1818. 

Dear Sir, — I send you the prospectus of a work 
which I am about to publish. I wish to know your 
opinion of the plan, &, if not imposing too much on your 
leisure, I would be glad if you would suggest any altera- 
tion by which it can be made interesting to the people of 
the United States. A work of the kind appears to be 
much wanted, for many of the signers to the Declaration 
of Independence are entirely unknown to two-thirds of 
the people. The avidity recently displayed for the pos- 
session of the print of the Declaration of Independence, & 
the anxiety to know the history of the several signers, is 

* Joseph M. Sanderson was a brother of John Sanderson, author of the first two volumes 
of the "Biography of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence." The copyright of 
these two volumes was taken out in the name of Joseph M. Sanderson as proprietor, and 
both volumes have on the title-page the names of John Sanderson as author and R. W. 
Pomeroy as publisher. The third and later volumes are copyrighted by R. W. Pomeroy 
as proprietor; and in the third volume is a prefatory note which states that "The contents 
of the present volume have either been prepared by, or published under the inspection of, 
Mr. Robert Wain, Jr., who will continue to provide and arrange proper materials for the 
completion of the work." The life of Jefferson is in the seventh volume, which was not 
copyrighted until 1827. — Eds. 



a proof that the characters of many of these illustrious 
men have been neglected. Such, however, is the motive 
that has prompted me to the undertaking, & I trust that 
through the assistance of the several connexions I shall 
be able to make it honorable to the nation. To you I 
would apply for some of the facts relative to the passage 
of the law ; but I fear it would be too much intrusion. 
If, however, there is any tiling you could communicate 
without interfering with your ease that would tend to 
illustrate the work, I shall consider myself under an 
unbounded obligation to you. With wishes therefore for 
your ease & comfort, I remain, very respectfully, 
Your humble servant, 

Joseph M. Sanderson. 

48 Market Street, Baltimore. 
His Excellency Thomas Jefferson. 


Monticello, Jan. 31, 19. 

Sir, — Your favor of the 13 th was recieved on the 24 th , 
and I extremely regret that it is not in my power to give 
you any information on the subject of Mr. James Otis. 
My acquaintance with the Eastern characters began with 
the first Congress ; Mr. Otis not being a member, I had 
never any personal acquaintance or correspondence with 
him. Col Richard Henry Lee, of Westmoreland County, 
had, I know, an active correspondence from the early 
dawn of our Revolution with gentlemen of that quarter, 
and with none more probably than Mr. Otis, who was 
then so conspicuous in the principles of the day. It is 

* William Tudor, Jr., was born in Boston, Jan. 28, 1779, graduated at Harvard College 
in 1790, and died at Rio de Janeiro, March 9, 1830. He was the founder and first editor of 
the " Nortli American Review," and auMior of a " Life of James Otis," which has deserv- 
edly enjoyed a high reputation, besides several minor publications. See Proceedings, 
vol. i. pp. -4-29-433. — Eds. 

1819.] GEOKGE TICKNOR. 275 

probable he preserved Mr. Otis's letters, and that his 
family now possesses them. Of them I have no knolege, 
as their residence is in a part of the State very remote from 
mine. But a certain & easy channel for your communica- 
tion with them would be thro' any member of Congress 
from your State and the member from the Westmoreland 
district of ours. Who he is, I cannot tell you, so entirely 
am I withdrawn from all attention to public affairs, and 
so thoroughly satisfied to leave them to the generation in 
place, in whose hands, from the advancing state of knolege, 
they will be at least as wisely conducted as they have been 
by their predecessors. With this scanty information, all, 
however, which I possess, I pray you to accept the assur- 
ance of my high respect and esteem. 

Th : Jefferson. 

W. Tudor, Esq. 


Thomas Jefferson, JEsq., Monticello, Albermarle County, Virginia. 

Edinboro', Feby. 13, 1819. 

Dear Sir, — I received a few days since in London 
your letter of Oct. 25, with some later from my friends 
in Massachusetts, which relieved me from the apprehen- 
sions respecting your health with which I had been filled 
by one of the publick papers. A letter from General 
Lafayette noticing one received from yourself which you 
wrote subsequently to your illness has confirmed me in 
the belief that I may, if my life is spared, yet have the 
pleasure of seeing you at Monticello, enjoying all you en- 
joyed when you last received me under your hospitable 
roof ; and how much pleasure this has given me, I hope I 
need not tell you. Neither does it seem to me to be neces- 
sary to tell you how grateful I am for the kind regard you 
express towards me in your letter, for you will not think 
me so unworthy of it as to be insensible to it. I make 


haste, however, to say to you that I cannot avail myself 
of the influence your kindness would use in my favour to 
procure me a place in your new & most promising univer- 
sity, aware, as I am, not only that this influence would be 
decisive, but that it would procure me any thing I could 
reasonably ask to render my situation there pleasant & 
useful. The natale solum, with all the associations & habits 
I have formed under its influences would be a strong ob- 
jection ; but there is one still stronger & positively insuper- 
able. My father is very old ; only a few days since I should 
have spoken of my mother, and the desolation I feel from 
her loss but serves to remind me how necessary his only 
child has become to my father. During his life the duty 
of alleviating his sorrows and of affording all the comfort 
& support I can to his old age, must be paramount with 
me. The rest of my family, too, seem peculiarly to require 
me to be near them, and when I sum up all the circum- 
stances, the course of my conduct stands imperatively 
pointed out to me. In the first shock of my sorrow, I can 
hardly look very far or very clearly into futurity ; but 
my present plan is, to return home as soon as I can, per- 
form the duties the situation of my father & family im- 
pose on me as the first of all, & in the mean time rely for 
literary occupation & success on a connexion I think to 
form with the college at Cambridge, which will not inter- 
fere with these duties, or even prevent me from living 
in Boston, as they will only imply a course of lectures on 
the Belles Lettres. 

At the same time, I beg you to recollect that if I can in 
any way contribute to the progress & success of your es- 
tablishment, my humble efforts shall never be wanting. 
I rejoice in it, not only disinterestedly, as a means of pro- 
moting knowledge & happiness, but selfishly as the means 
of exciting by powerful & dangerous rivalship the emula- 
tion of our college at the North, which has so long believed 
itself first in reputation that this excitement will not be 

1819.] , WILLIAM SHORT. 277 

without a good effect on its indolence. If, therefore, you 
would do me a favour, you will employ me in some way 
in which I can be useful to your plans. 

I would gladly add something that might be interesting 
to you, but I have been here only a few days and my feel- 
ings are little fitted to enable me to do more than my 
obligations require. It has cost me an effort to write 
even this ; but my gratitude has for a moment at least 
prevailed over my sorrows and given me the strength to 
assure you how sensible I am to your kindness which has 
followed me from the first moment I knew you. Present, 
I pray you, my best regards & acknowledgements to all 
your family, & believe me always anxious to acknowl- 
edge my obligations to yourself. 

Geo : Ticknor. 

T. Jefferson, Esq. 


Philad a , May 25, 1819. 

Dear Sir, — I have deprived myself for a very long 
time of the pleasure of writing to you, as I know how 
much you are taxed by correspondence, & lmw burthen- 
some that tax is to you. This abstinence on my part 
has been a real sacrifice, & more especially since we have 
heard, through the newspapers, of the fire at Monticello. 
None of your friends here with whom I have spoken 
know any thing more of it than what is stated in those 
papers. And this is too general to satisfy the anxiety of 
those who feel a deep interest in whatever concerns you. 
"We infer, however, that enough of the house is left to 
accomodate you & your family, &, I hope, with conven- 
ience. It would be a great relief to us to know this 
with certainty from yourself, & particularly if you had 
near you any amanuensis whom you could employ for the 


The progress of the University inspires a good deal of 
interest here, & particularly on account of the part which 
it is known that you take in it. Since your last letter, 
which was in Decemb., I have seen that the Assembly has 
realized your expectations, & adopted the recommended 
site. A friend at Richmond has sent me several 
pamphlets respecting the two establishments, which give 
a promise of much honor & much profit also to the 
State, — the literary fund & that for public works. But 
I should fear that the appropriation of $15,000 p ann. 
would by no means be adequate to enable you to pro- 
cure such professors, & in such numbers as you w T ish. 
For although living & the support of a family be much 
cheaper of course in that quarter than in a city, yet most 
professors, I believe, would prefer the city at equal prices. 
I am persuaded, for instance, that D r Cooper would have 
remained here if he could have obtained a situation in 
the city less advantageous in point of salary. 

He will prove, I think, a valuable acquisition to you, 
for his knowledge is unquestionably great & most varied. 
I feared only two circumstances as to him, — his temper, 
which is said to be unaccomodating, & his temperance, 
which has been often questioned. On this last point, 
however, I am very glad to be able to tell you that I have 
lately satisfied myself fully. A relation of mine who is 
one of the Visitors had heard this report in such a way, it 
appeared, as to disquiet him, & wrote to me in consequence 
thereof to beg me to give him such information on the 
subject as I could with propriety. For this purpose I 
applied to a gentleman who, I knew, must be perfectly 
an fait of whatever related to the subject. I knew him 
also to be a friend to Cooper, but a greater friend to 
truth. I put him on his honor & candor, begging him 
not to answer me at all (as to which he was perfectly at 
liberty), or to answer me with strictness & without mental 
reservation of any kind. 

1819.] WILLIAM SHORT. 279 

He promised this ; I have no doubt complied scrupu- 
lously with his promise. He told me that it could not be 
concealed that such a report had prevailed formerly as to 
Cooper, & he was inclined to think there might then have 
been some foundation for it, owing to some domestic 
infelicity which at that time existed, but that he could 
assure me on his honor that for many years back he had 
known him positively to be one of the most sober & tem- 
perate men he had ever known, & that he was in fact a 
mere water drinker. The appearance of his face would 
indicate the contrary to a stranger ; & it is possibly this 
appearance which may have kept alive the report after 
it ceased to have any foundation. 

There is another gentleman here, who, I think, would 
be an equally valuable acquisition to you in the depart- 
ment of mathematics. It is probable you will have 
heard of him, & perhaps even an application has been 
already made to you on his part. I pretend not to judge 
of him myself, & indeed I am not sufficiently acquainted 
with him for that purpose, even if I were capable in other 
respects. M r Patterson, our present President, spoke to 
me of him, with a great desire to see him engaged by 
you, saying he had no doubt he would accept your offer 
with pleasure, as he was at present out of employment 
here. He was for a time Professor of Mathematics in this 
University, but on some disagreement with the Trustees 
as to the mode d } enseignmcnt, I think, he resigned. He is 
really a most extraordinary man, who, like Franklin, has 
pierced, against all unpropitious circumstances, & by the 
force of genius & industry found the way to his place. 
Although he has the appearance of a young man still, he 
was for some time a common laboring carpenter in this 
country, whither he had come from Ireland. The mo- 
ments he could spare from his labor he devoted to the 
study of the mathematics, & at this moment is considered 
as inferior to no one in these United States in that 


science. Bowditch of Salem considers him, I am told, a 
prodigy. He has acquired the French language in order 
to be able to read La Place in his own language, & is one 
of the few men who is capable of reading & appreciating 
him. In order to correct the original defects of his edu- 
cation he has lately set about acquiring the Latin & Greek 
languages. Of the first he is already said to be perfect 
master, & in the second has made great proficiency. I 
understand that he purposes going to Europe if he should 
not find employment in this country. 

When M r Patterson spoke to me of him, I advised his 
writing to you on his subject. I know not if he did so ; 
if not, I would recommend it to you to write to him, 
as he could give you much better & more satisfactory 
information than I can. If you want a Professor of 
Mathematics you certainly could not find one more 
suitable to you. 

A gentleman of my acquaintance here, & who, I believe, 
has some intention of offering himself for the chair of 
Anatomy with you, lately applied to me for information 
as to the progress of the institution. I advised him to 
apply to D r Cooper, who would be probably more able 
than I was to give him information of the present state 
& future prospects of the University. He told me he had 
already done so, but that Cooper could not say any thing 
positive on the subject, & particularly had no idea when the 
establishment would be put into operation. I promised 
him I would make the enquiry, & inform him as nearly 
as I could. He desired his name to be kept back for the 
present, as his mind was not fully made up as to the ap- 
plication, which would depend on the time & manner of 
the commencement of this business. If you can now 
say when you propose to commence, when to name the 
professors, & in what manner applications should be 
made by those who wish to offer themselves. Indeed, 
whatever may relate to the progress of this institution 

1819.] WILLIAM SHORT. 281 

will always have a peculiar interest for me, & the present 
enquiry I make for the gentleman T have mentioned. 

Excuse, if you please, my troubling you on another 
subject. I promised M r Poletica, the new Russian Minis- 
ter, that I would make enquiry as to it, — the affairs of 
Kosciusko in this country. He has been requested by 
some person in office in Poland, & I believe a relative of 
Kosciusko, to procure information on this matter, & a 
reference was given him to you & also to M r Barnes. 
Poletica is now gone to Washington, & perhaps he may 
write to you from thence on it himself. In that case, 
what I now ask may be considered as non avenu. I told 
him that writing had now become so laborious to you 
that I taxed you as seldom as possible with any letter 
requiring an answer; but that when I should write to 
you again, I would take occasion to mention this subject, 
& communicate any information I might recieve from 
you. In the mean time I informed him that Kosciusko's 
funds in this country, as I had understood, had been by 
his orders sold & remitted to him. And I remember per- 
fectly that when M r Barnes was here some years ago, he 
told me he was then looking for bills of exch. to make 
this remittance, & expressed his great anxiety on the 
subject, lest the bills might prove not of the best kind. 
I seldom know when to stop when I find myself in com- 
munication with you. Fortunately for you, my paper 
puts limits to this letter. Accept my best wishes for 
your health & happiness, & believe me, dear Sir, as I am, 
with great truth, 

Your grateful friend, 

W: Short. 



New York, June 10 th , 1819. 

Dear Sir, — By the mail of this day I take the liberty 
of sending you a copy of " An Essay on the Necessity of 
Improving our National Forces.' ' This work is from the 
pen of the son of my brave and distinguished friend 
Theobald Wolfe Tone, who fought, and, when fighting 
could no longer avail, died for his country. His son t 
inherits his virtues, and with them the affections of his 
father's friends. After his father's death he was adopted 
by the French nation and educated as a child of the 
public. After finishing his education at the military 
school he entered the army, where he served from 1810 
to 1815, and left it with the most honorable testimonials 
of his courage and fidelity. After receiving a number 
of wounds, and being left lifeless on the field of battle 
at Leipswich, and other causualties attending a military 
career, he resigned his commission on the overthrow of 
Napoleon, and came to identify himself with freedom in 
this Republic. He has been three years studying its laws 
and constitution with me, and has given me proofs that 
he has a mind suited to the acquirement of any knowl- 
edge that is not inconsistent with a liberal and enlarged 
way of thinking, but more especially fitted for the duties 
of his former profession. He has a clear head and quick 

* William Sampson was born in Londonderry, Ireland, Jan. 17, 1764, and died in the 
city of New York Dec. 27, 1836. He was educated as a lawyer, and having been iden- 
tified with the United Irishmen came under the suspicion of the government. After the 
collapse of the rebellion of 1798 he was imprisoned, but was released on condition that he 
should go to Portugal. Finally he came to this country and established himself as a lawyer 
in New York, where he obtained a large practice. He was the author of several publica- 
tions on law and history. See Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. v. 
p. 383. — Eds. 

t William Theobald Wolfe Tone was born in Dublin. Ireland, April 29. 1791, and came 
to this country after the battle of Waterloo. In July, 1820, he was appointed an officer of 
artillery, but resigned from the army in December, 1826. He married a daughter of 
William Sampson, and died in New York, Oct. 10, 1828. See Appleton's Cyclopaedia 
of American Biography, vol. vi. p. 131. — Eds. 


apprehension of whatever engages his attention, and 
being expert at matters of detail as well as capable of 
extensive views. I have long wished that he was known 
to those who could appreciate him, and employed where 
he could be most useful. M r Calhoun has been informed 
by better authority than mine of his talent, and has 
expressed a desire ^to place him in his department on the 
first vacancy. He is too modest to obtrude himself, and 
stands in need of encouragement to do himself justice. 
It was, therefore, that at his request I have the honor of 
presenting his work to you, and on my own behalf I beg 
leave to recommend him to your favor. Please, Sir, to 
receive our joint assurance of every sentiment of esteem 
and attachment due to your person and your name. 

William Sampson. 


M rs . Eandolph ; at the Hon ble . M r Jefferson's. 

Hallowell, June 23, 1819. 

Dear Madam, — I presume to send you the inclosed, 
the writer of which seems to wish to put the religious party 
on his side. A new attack has been made on vaccination 
by a certain D r . Browne in Scotland ; but the sum total of 
it is, want of candor in argument & the use of spurious 
kine pox in practice. D r . Jenner, D r . J. R. Coxe, & all of 
us who use genuine matter, have seen nothing like con- 
stant crisps of pustules. I know no failure in resisting 
the small pox, where the genuine matter has been em- 
ployed ; & the genuine matter is without pustules, gener- 
ally speaking, unless at the puncture. 

The packet of Swedish turnip seed was sent, as desired, 
with a letter from my eldest son, W m . Oliver Vaughan. 

My youngest son sailed for England on the 16 th May 
from Charleston, having been detained so long by various 


circumstances that in England they have thought him 
lost, or at least missing. 

I trust that the health of M r Jefferson is re-established, 
and that he is able fully to resume his exercise. The 
Edinburgh Review for Oct r , 1806, has a review of D r . 
Priestley's memoirs, which contains an account of the 
peculiarity of Ms memory, from varied occupations, well 
known to others also, & particularly to myself. I wish 
M r . Jefferson to re-peruse it. I can assure him that I 
have at one time in my life so forgotten quadratic equa- 
tions as to be delighted with the contrivance when I acci- 
dentally met with an example of it. I had even forgot- 
ten the difference between arithmetical & geometrical 
proportionals. The most ordinary facts in architecture, 
in painting, in morals, &c, had alike escaped me. It was 
necessary, & is still so, to get into my old trains again, & 
all becomes right. But I do not therefore set myself 
down as defective in memory, but only as unable to have 
every thing present at one & the same time. Certain 
memories hold a given quantity at a time, & no more ; and 
we discover this more & more as we advance in years. 

I have but just received my books from Philadelphia, 
and with them, Cabanis on Catarrh. It shall be returned 
in due season with thanks. 

We are to be separated, it seems, from Massachusetts, 
and I think the old State is full as anxious to get rid of 
us as we are to set up for ourselves. Our people had 
seemed to forget that they had any governors over them, 
till certain persons reminded them of it, the government 
at Washington alone being really interesting to most of 
those who are careless about office. The old bird, how- 
ever, is well satisfied to peck us off. 

Professor Cleaveland has confirmed my opinion, that 
the cases of discolored plaster in buildings are owing to 
iron in the lime mixed with the gypsum. He told me, 
when discoursing on the subject, that he had just received 

1819.] THOMAS JEFFERSON". 285 

2 or 3 hhds of lime warm from the kiln, with an evident 
mixture of iron in them. This becomes, therefore, a mat- 
ter of serious examination when public buildings are to be 
stuccoed, without or within. Stucco is the most commo- 
dious representative of stone that we can employ; being so 
cheap, so easily divisible for carriage, so easily fashioned, 
so thin in its coat, so strsceptible of different colors & sur- 
faces, & so easily repaired when injured. In the case of 
pillars, we need no joints ; and in the interior of the Uni- 
tarian church at Baltimore we find it capable of receiving 
a beautiful polish, while those without bear incrustations. 

I hope, my dear madam, when you recollect how averse 
M r Jefferson is to receiving letters which he may think 
that he must answer, that you will forgive my putting 
him at ease on this subject. On the other hand, you will 
not suppose that I can flatter myself with any expecta- 
tion of hearing from you on the subjects of vaccination, 
agriculture, or architecture ; though I acknowledge that 
it would give me a sensible gratification to hear from any 
good authority that M r Jefferson had recovered his usual 
state of health. When I returned from Monticello, I 
was much mortified to hear false accounts of it, though 
I had the pleasure of being able to place things upon 
their true footing in consequence of what I had seen. 

I beg my respectful remembrances to M r Jefferson as 
also to the young ladies. 

I have the honor to be, with high respect, dear Madam, 
Your faithful humble serv*. 

Benj n . Vaugiian. 


Monticello, June 22, 19, by mistake for 29 th . 

Dear Sir, — Your favor of June 22 is recieved. That 
of May 25 had come to hand in due time, and was in my 
bundle of " Letters to be answered " • but as I am obliged 


to marshal them according to their degree of pressure I 
had not yet reached it, altho' I devote to that business 
daily from sunrise to dinner, saving one hour to ride, and 
generally from dinner to sun set. On the subject of the 
anatomist and mathematician who wish a place in our 
University, nothing can be said at present, because it has 
been concluded by the Visitors to employ all our funds of 
the present and next year in providing buildings for the 
habitation of the professors and students, and conse- 
quently not to open the University generally until the 
year 1821. I say generally, because particular & previous 
transactions had led to the proposing to D r Cooper the 
commencing his branches in April next. The conflagra- 
tion in which you are kind enough to take an interest 
was only of a detached pavilion, which is now again 
under repair. M r Poletika has been on a visit to us and 
left us yesterday. I had previously by letter given him 
the necessary explanations on Kosciuzko's affairs here, 
which were quite satisfactory to him. I am endeavoring 
to transfer the whole business to a Federal court, having 
refused the executorship. We have had a circuitous 
rumor that you meant to visit your native State this 
summer. In that event we should certainly hope to 
share in the visit. As Mr. Correa promises an annual 
pilgrimage to this place, I am informing him of my 
movements the ensuing season, that I may not lose the 
benefit of his visit, as once befel me. I set out to Pop- 
lar Forest this day week, to remain there thro' July, 
Aug., & Sep. I must be back of necessity by the 1 st of 
Oct. to the meeting: of our Visitors, at which further 
arrangements will be decided on respecting our Univer- 
sity ; and as yourself as well as M r . Correa are kind 
enough to take an interest in it's success, it may be some 
inducement towards the timing your visit. I will be 
responsible that for health you will be as safe here as at 
the watering places, altho' we cannot offer as varied a 

1819.] WILLIAM SHORT. 287 

society ; yet I trust the day is not so distant but that I 
shall live to see it, when we can be able to offer a more 
desirable society to men of mind than any other place in 
America. We have a carte blanche for their employ- 
ment, and we mean to accept for our institution no per- 
son of secondary gradejn his science, if there be one of 
the first on either side of the Atlantic who can be tempted 
to come to us. We are providing for them as handsome 
and comfortable lodgings as they can have in Europe, and 
their satisfaction here will be liberally cultivated. There 
is a cloud, however, visible in our horizon. The infatu- 
ated confidence in banks has made much of our capital of 
a million and a half of dollars to depend on their fate. 
My remonstrances for years back against these unsafe 
deposits have been recieved as the forebodings of Cassan- 
dra. When now upbraided with this the answer is, Who 
would have thought it ? Till the present state of things, 
however, be unravelled, we must slacken our pace. I 
salute you as ever with constant & affectionate friendship 
and respect. 

Th : Jefferson. 

W. Short. 


Philad a , Oct. 21, 181&. 

Dear Sir, — I had last the pleasure of writing to you 
on the 14 th of August, from Ballston Spa, my usual sum- 
mer residence. The cause of my troubling you at present 
you will find inclosed, — a letter from our old & worthy 
friend de la Motte, which he sent to me with a request 
that I would forward it to you. I had remained several 
years without hearing from him ; & I learn now with real 
pain that the cause of his silence was the derangement 
of his affairs. He speaks of general ruin among all com- 
mercial men in his quarter, & I very much fear from his 
letter that his is complete. He tells me he has two sons 


& a daughter all now entering on life, & that he finds 
himself, in his old age, now reduced to begin the world 
again with them. I feel for him really more than I can 
express. I suppose his letter to you will give a more 
full detail of his losses. 

The newspapers have again informed us of your recent 
indisposition ; it has given your friends here, & to none 
more than myself, a great deal of uneasiness. But M r 
Correa has just informed me that he has seen a letter 
from you of the 15 th of this month, written in very good 
spirits, & we suppose therefore with a return of good 
health. We both put our hope & trust in this. He 
purposes going to visit you in November. And I envy 
him this gratification, without being able to indulge my- 
self in it. There is no circumstance in which I feel the 
effects of advancing age so much as in my faculties of 
locomotion. From habitual indulgence I have come to 
consider repose as the siunmum bonum, so that when driven 
out of this heated brick kiln in the summer, my first aim 
is to reach that place of repose which can be the soonest 
& the easiest attained. This is of course Ballston, as it 
requires only fifty miles of land carriage, the rest being 
performed in steamboats, & a great part of it during 
sleep. This growing indolence (which I know I am 
wrong to indulge, & yet continue to clo so — " video 
meliora, pefora scquor") has made me give up by degrees 
my daily exercise on horseback. I have so far adopted 
the principles of Epicurus (who, after all, I am inclined to 
believe was the wisest of all the ancient philosophers, as 
he is certainly the least understood & the most calumniated 
among them) as to consult my ease towards the attain- 
ment of happiness in this poor world, poor even in mak- 
ing the best of it. 

Apropos of philosophers; you recollect without doubt 
the marble bust of Condorcet, which stood on a marble 
table in the salon of the Hotel de la Rochefoucauld. When 

1819.] WILLIAM SHORT. 289 

it was determined no longer to recieve him in that house, 
it was thought inconvenant to keep the bust there. The 
grandchildren, who never liked him, availed themselves 
of this to have the bust transported to the garde meuble 
without consulting the old lady, whose leave was gen- 
erally asked on every occasiori. She passed this over in 
silence, however, & never made a remark or enquiry as to 
the disappearance of the bust. It had cost her a great 
effort to signify to the original that his presence had be- 
come disagreeable ; she had really a parental affection for 
him, & had given a remarkable proof of this at the time 
of his marriage. On her death I asked this bust of the 
granddaughter, who gave it to me with great pleasure. 
It has been on its way here ever since I left France, & 
has passed through as many casus & discrimina rerum as 
Eneas himself (or perhaps it was Ulysses) on its way. It 
has finally arrived & is at present placed in the Philo- 
sophical hall in the most suitable company, the busts of 
Franklin, yourself, Turgot. 

I have not for a long time heard any thing of the Uni- 
versity, & I am sorry for this, as I take a very sincere 
interest in its prosperity. I never could discover from 
Cooper whether it gave him pleasure to be spoken to 
about it. D r Browne, who is one of the professors of the 
University at Lexington has just left us for that place. 
He told me before his departure that they were endeavor- 
ing to prevail on Cooper to go & give a course of lec- 
tures there during the winter previously to his entering 
on his duties with you in April. But since Browne's 
departure I have observed by the papers that they have 
appointed a Professor of Chymistry ; so that I suppose 
the idea of Cooper is abandoned. If you should succeed 
in finding some other professors of the same stamp with 
Cooper, no institution certainly could boast of more able 
men. I speak particularly of his acquirements, which 
seem to be great on every subject. I shall always look 



with great anxiety & great interest to what so much 
concerns my native State in general & yourself more 
especially. Accept my best wishes for its prosperity, 
& for your health & happiness. 

Ever & affectionately, dear Sir, 

Your friend & servant, 

W: Short. 


City of Washington, Feb^ 2 d [1820]. 

Sir, — The enclosed letter was handed to me some 
time since, by the French gentleman named in it, who 
avowed his design to be to wait upon you in reference to 
the object mentioned in the letter. As I did believe that 
you were much annoyed by applications of this sort, 
I thought in this instance it might be as well to save you 
from the visit ; I therefor told the gentleman that I 
woud address a letter to you and enclose that of M r 
Wilmer, and learn if it woud be worth his while to go 
up to Charlottesville on this subject. I told M r . Cairo 
also that I did believe that as yet there had been no 
determination to establish a professorship of Modern Lan- 
guages immediately in the University. If you think 
proper to furnish an answer to this application I will 
with pleasure give it to the gentleman. 

The Senate of the U. S. have determined by a vote of 
27 to 16 to reject the proposal to impose the restriction 
on Missouri in the formation of her Constitution. The 
whole of the Senators except one were present. The 
absentee, M r . Horsey, of Deleware, is understood to be 
against the restriction, so that in that body our interest 

* Hugh Nelson was born in Virginia, Sept. 30, 1708, graduated at William and Mary 
College in 1790, and died in Albemarle County, Va., March 18, 183G. He was a member 
of the United States House of Representatives from 1811 to 1823, and minister to Spain 
from the latter year to 1825. See Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. iv. 
]>. 492; Lanman's Biographical Annals, pp. 308, 608. — Eds. 

1820.] CHAPMAN" JOHNSON. 291 

is secured by a majority of 12. The fate of the proposi- 
tion in the H. R. is more questionable. Thus far we are 
safe as to the restriction. But then what will be the 
success of the application of Missouri to be admitted as 
a State into the Union is^uncertain. The Senate have 
coupled Maine and Missouri together, and have thereby 
afforded us a better chance of carrying the measure in the 
House. We believe the members from Maine will sooner 
give up the restriction than lose their stand among the 
States of the Union. 

Accept the tender of my respects, and believe me, 
Y r . obed* hble. s rt . 

Hugh Nelson. 


Thomas Jefferson, Esquire, Monticello. 

Charlottesville, Monday, 28 Feb^., '20. 

Dear Sir, — You have seen by the new's papers, and 
I suppose have been informed by M r Cabell, that all we 
could do for the University, at the late session of the 
legislature, was to procure a law authorising the Visitors 
to borrow any sum not exceeding sixty thousand dollars, 
at interest not exceeding 6 per cent, for the purpose of 
finishing the buildings. To effect this, the Visitors are 
at liberty to pledge so much of the annual appropriation 
of 15 thousand dollars, — the endowment of the Univer- 
sity, — as they think proper, for payment of interest and 
redemption of principal. We may borrow of either of 
the banks, or of any person or corporate body in the 

Gen 1 Breckenridge, M r Cabell, and myself thought it 

* Chapman Johnson was born in Louisa County, Va., March 12,1779; graduated at 
William and Mary College in 1802, obtained a very extensive practice as a lawyer, and 
died in Richmond, July 12, 1849. From 1815 to 1831 he was a member of the State Senate 
of Virginia. See Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. iii. p. 441. — Eds. 


proper, before we left Richmond, to endeavour to ascer- 
tain whether the money could be borrowed. We thought 
it most convenient and most proper, in several respects, 
to borrow from the literary fund, if practicable. For the 
purpose of ascertaining this we addressed an enquiry to 
the board, and delivered it to the president, to be laid 
before them at a meeting which was expected on Satur- 
day last. We suggested that the Visitors would probably 
wish to borrow the whole $60,000, at convenient instal- 
ments, to be paid to them in the course of the present 
year, or in the course of the present and early in the 
next year ; that about $20,000 would probably be wanting 
in April, and that it was supposed the Visitors would 
wish to pledge as little of their income as possible for the 
extinguishment of the principal debt, — indeed, that it 
was thought most desirable that the principal sum should 
be redeemable only at their pleasure. 

The board was prevented by accident from meeting, 
and to a note which I addressed to Col°. Randolph, in the 
evening, I received an answer, of which the following is 
an extract : " The loan to the University, according to 
the proposal of the Visitors, may be counted on with 
certainty ; and the new contracts may be made very safely 
with that expectation." Though the meeting of the 
board had not taken place, Col . Randolph had no doubt 
an opportunity of ascertaining their dispositions on this 
subject. I therefore am sanguine in the expectation of 
procuring the loan from that quarter on the most con- 
venient terms. 

A meeting of the board was expected to-day, and I 
think it probable that you will receive information of the 
result by the mail which leaves Richmond to-morrow 

If we should be disappointed in our expectations of pro- 
curing the loan from the literary fund, I think there is 
much reason to expect it from the banks in Richmond. 

1820.] HUGH NELSON". 293 

I hope these expectations will enable you to keep the 
rest of the workmen from deserting us, until at the 
meeting on the first Monday in April, the loan can be 
authorised by the Visitors. . 

I should have done myself the pleasure to call on you, 
but that necessity requires me to be at home without 

With very great respect, 
Your obt. sv\ 

C. Johnson. 


Washington, Feb^ 29 th , 1820. 

Sir, — I must ask your pardon for this day, in a debate, 
taking the liberty of reading an extract from your letter 
in an address which I delivered to the House. It was 
only that extract which related to the Missouri question. 
I cou'd not forego the temptation of availing myself of 
the influence of your name to attempt to check the mad 
career of the majority on this most interesting question. 
I trust I shall receive your forgiveness for this liberty ; 
at present we are debating a bill for admitting Missouri 
into the Union. To this the Northern men are endeav- 
ouring to attach the restriction. The immediate question 
before us is, Shall this clause be imperative on Missouri, or 
shall it be discretionary ? I fear much they will triumph 
in the absolute injunction. 

Another bill is pending between the two Houses. A 
conference is ordered by both Houses, and committees are 
appointed. This was the bill which originated in the 
H. R. for admitting Maine into the Union. The Senate 
attached to it the bill for admitting Missouri. They 
also attached the provision for admitting slavery into the 
Missouri and the country lying along the Mississippi, but 
excluding it from territories north of 36° 30', and admit- 


ting the same into the country south of this line of 
latitude. The House struck out this amendment. The 
Senate insisted. The House also insisted. The Senate 
asked the conference ; the House agreed to it. It now 
stands on the question of compromise proposed. What 
will be the issue, I can not say. Great efforts are making 
on both sides. 

With sentiments of respect, I tender my salutations. 

Hugh Nelson. 


Washington, March 4 th , 1820. 

Sir, — Presuming that you feel a deep interest in the 
decision of the question which of late so much agitated 
the country, I doubt not a brief statement of its issue will 
be agreable. On Friday last, the 2 d in*, it was finally 
settled between the two Houses. The restriction on Mis- 
souri as a State was rejected, and also on the country south 
of 36° 30' N., which lies west of Arkansaw, but on the 
country west of the State of Missouri and north of this 
line of latitude, which is altogether unsettled and over 
which the Indian title still exists, as you know, they 
persevered in asserting that this restriction should be 
imposed. In the House Rep. the majority was in favour 
of the entire restriction over the State as well as the 
unsettled territory. In the Senate the majority was 
against restricting the State, but had no doubt of the 
right of restricting the territory. The result has been 
the exemption of Missouri, of Arkansa, and all the terri- 
tory south of the line of latitude mentioned. Thus has 
ended this momentous question, which seemed to threaten 
most seriously the existence of the Union and the con- 
tinuance of the peace of the country. With a day's rest 
I trust we shall regain our good humour, and proceed to 

1820.] WILLIAM SHOKT. 295 

transact the business of the country, which for seven 
weeks past has been almost out of view. 

Accept the tender of my respects, and allow me to 
subscribe myself y r obed* serv*, 

Hugh Nelson. 

The bill for admission of Missouri is still with the 
President unsigned. The Maine bill was signed on 


Philadelphia, March 27, 1820. 

Dear Sir, — It has been a long time, indeed, since I 
have had the pleasure of hearing from you, or of your 
health. Since my last of Dec. 1, 1 have remained betwixt 
the desire of writing to you & the fear of giving you 
trouble ; knowing how much of this the correspondence 
of your friends imposes on you. I remember well how 
independent you formerly kept yourself of an amanuensis. 
At present an aid of this kind would be of great relief to 
you. And I, for one, have it much at heart that you 
should have this relief. I would then have no scruple in 
begging you to send me the syllabus of the Philosophy of 
Jesus, which you found too long to copy ; & which, in- 
deed, I would not have at the price of that trouble to 
you. From the little I saw, & from the great deal I have 
heard of one the members of your own family, I think 
you would find a most ready & willing & able amanuensis 
in her, & I wish, indeed, both for your sake & hers that 
you would accept this service at her hands. 

I learned from Correa a few days ago that he had not 
heard from you either for a long time. We know noth- 
ing, therefore, of the state of your health but by infer- 
ence, & not hearing any thing to the contrary, we flatter 
ourselves that you are well. Correa told me at the same 


time, which I was very sorry to hear, that there is a com- 
bination forming in Virginia against the University, 
composed of the Presbyterian interest, w ch he says has 
much increased, of the Tramontane people, disappointed 
at its not being located among them, & of the old metrop- 
olis, wishing to retain the seat of education there. I did 
not understand from him whether he had recieved this in 
the way of positive information, or had formed it by way 
of induction in his own mind. If the latter, I should still 
have hope of his being mistaken, for I have found that 
when he quits the botanical atmosphere & speculates on 
the moral & political, he is, like the rest of us, subject to 

The last time I have heard mention made of you was 
the letter you wrote to M r Nelson on the Missouri busi- 
ness. The letter was not given to us, so that we only 
know that that question had excited in your bosom the 
most gloomy apprehensions, but we do not learn in what 
way. I did wish very much, as I do still, to know your 
sentiments on that momentous subject, big with the fate 
of this Union. Like every other American, I too reflected 
much on it during its agitation. A compromise which I 
had much at heart was, that independence should be now 
given to all the Transmississipian region, retaining only 
the right of selling the soil to the emigrants so as to 
repay us our purchase money. If necessary I would have 
guaranteed to these people the same form of government 
that would have been had they remained in our Union, 
& have formed a treaty offensive & defensive with them, 
& secured all the offices of good neighborhood recipro- 
cally. Thus parting as good friends, the most friendly 
sentiments would have grown up with their growth & 
strengthened with their strength. What better or what 
more can we desire ? How many inconveniences also 
would this have avoided ? 

For at the next session of Congress when the State of 

1820.] WILLIAM SHORT. 297 

Missouri shall come forward with its constitution & ask 
for admission into the Union, you will probably see the 
whole of the same grounds with the same heat gone 
over again ; the parties in the lower house are so nearly 
divided ; & the members from the non slave-holding States 
will return with such lessons as will probably make them 
unanimous, including those from Maine. In this case it 
is calculated that they will have a majority against ad- 
mitting the new State, &c, &c. This is what is now con- 
templated ; what more will turn up, no one can say. If 
these apprehensions be well founded, would it not be well 
to prepare for a friendly compromise & separation ? 

I contemplate with much more satisfaction what I 
observe in several of the States towards an improvement 
of what they possess. How much more wise is it to bend 
our energies towards internal improvements than external 
extension. It is a noble & grand conception in the State 
of Virginia to unite the Ohio, & thus the whole Western 
country with James River. I hope they will persevere, 
& if so, I am sure they will succeed in this magnificent 
enterprize. There is more of the grandiose in the New 
York undertaking, but perhaps not more of real utility. 
The State of Pennsylvania unites in itself the advantages 
both of Virginia & of New York, as you will see by an 
attentive examination of the waters of the Alleghaney, 
the Susquehanna, and the Schuylkill ; but the majority of 
their legislature is composed of ignorant Germans or 
descendants of Germans, who fear much more the im- 
provement of Philadelphia, which they consider dangerous 
to liberty, than they desire the improvement of Pennsyl- 
vania. They have, however, at this session carried 
through the lower house by some dexterity, the grant of 
a large sum for internal improvements. It is now with 
the Senate, where, there is little doubt, it will be destroyed. 

A private company here, of which I am one, has begun 
the improvement of this end of the chain, the River 


Schuylkill. They use the bed of the river, in opposition 
to the idea of the Duke of Bridgewater's engineer, who 
thought rivers were only destined to feed canals. Our 
engineer is a most ingenious, self-taught Yankee, who 
seems to have no doubt of making this river perfectly 
navigable, & is now at work on it, as he has been for 
some time, with great apparent effect. I have subscribed 
$10,000 ; many others have done the same, & one of my 
friends, not a man of great wealth either, & not at all a 
bold adventurer, has subscribed upwards of $40,000. The 
link which would connect this river with the Susque- 
hanna is a very short one & would be easily made ; & 
when done every part of the State would send its produc- 
tions to market through the Schuylkill. 

When you can without inconvenience, I beg the favor 
of you to let me know the present state of your health. 
I have lately read over again D r Franklin's plain & sim- 
ple narration of the events of his own life. It has 
renewed my desire to see the same kind of work from 
yourself ; but I will not be importunate in asking it at 
your hands against your own inclination, notwithstanding 
the great gratification it would give to your invariable & 
faithful friend, 

W: SnoRT. 

Hon. Thomas Jefferson, near Lynchburg, Virginia. 

PlTTSFIELD, Oct r 16, 1820. 

Yours of the 20 th ult° I have received, and the pleas- 
ure it gave me is by no means diminished by the objection 
you make to what seems to be the opinion expressed in 

* William Charles .Tarvis was a man of more than ordinary note in his own time, but 
his name is not found in Allen's, Appleton's, or Drake's biographical dictionaries; and he 
is not mentioned in Allibone's Dictionary of Authors. He was a native of Boston, a law- 
yer by profession, and received the honorary degree of A. M. from Williams College in 
1811. After an active life he died in Weathersfield, Vt., Oct. 3, 183fi, at the age of 52. 
About 1815 he settled in Pittsfield, Mass., and for four years he represented that town in 

1820.] WILLIAM C. JARVIS. 299 

pages 84 & 148 of the Republican. I acknowledge that 
there is too much ground for the inference you have 
drawn in regard to those parts of the book ; but I have 
a satisfaction in saying that I have exposed myself to 
your judicious criticism much more from an unguarded 
mode of expression than from any difference of opinion 
between us, in relation to the subject upon which you 
have remarked. 

I have never thought that the judicial power had any 
superiority or pre-eminence over any branches of the 
Legislature, or the supreme executive; nor have I con- 
sidered that power as competent in all cases to control 
the doings of the legislative or executive departments of 
government. My idea simply is, that the judicial author- 
ity tends to keep the administration of government true 
to its fundamental principles, by refusing to give effect 
to unconstitutional laws, when the rights of citizens liti- 
gating depend upon laws the constitutionality of which 
is questioned. As, for instance, if I am on trial for an 
offence created by an unconstitutional law, or if my 
property is taken away from me under colour of a like 
law, the judges are bound, I apprehend, to " refuse to give 
effect " to such laws, or else my liberty and rights are 
rather nominal than real. In the exercise of this sort of 
control, however, great candour is necessary on the part 
of the judges ; they never ought to be rash in questioning 
the doings of the legislative and executive branches of 
the government. 

I feel much flattered by the concluding line of your 

the Massachusetts Legislature, being elected Speaker of the House of Representatives in 
1824. The next year he removed to Woburn, and was immediately afterward elected a 
representative from that town. He was again Speaker of the House for two years. In 
1827 he was elected State Treasurer, but declined the appointment. In 1820 he published 
the volume referred to in the letter here printed. It is a volume of about three hundred 
pages, entitled " The Republican : a Series of Essays on the Principles and Policy of Free 
States ; having a Particular Reference to the United States of America and the Individual 
States." A copy is in the Boston Athenaeum. See Smith's History of Pittsfield from 1800 
to 1876, p. 403; Hough's American Biographical Notes, p. 225; General Catalogue of Wil- 
liams College, p. 87. — Eds. 


letter, in which you are pleased to ask my candid reconsid- 
eration of the subject which I have been remarking upon ; 
adding your belief that I shall come to a candid conclu- 
sion. In reply, particularly, to this, I have much satis- 
faction in saying to you that if I could recall the present 
edition, I should make such an alteration in pages 84 & 
148 as would exclude the inference which now presents 
itself to the reader. 

If, after further consideration of the book, you find 
other parts of it exceptionable, you would confer a par- 
ticular favour in suggesting them to me with the most 
perfect freedom. I am by no means too well informed 
not to need further instruction ; and I know of no person 
better able to impart instruction than yourself. 

Your letter would have received from me a more early 
reply had not absence from home on professional business 
prevented an earlier answer. Accept the assurance of 
my most sincere respect & esteem. 

William C. Jarvis. 

Hon. Th° Jefferson. 


Monticello, Dec. 25, 20. 
Sir, — I have to thank you for the 2 d vol. of your 
translation of Botta, which I recieved with your favor 
of the 5 th , on my return home after a long absence. I 
join Mr. Adams heartily in good wishes for the success of 
your labors, and hope they will bring you both profit & 
fame. You have certainly rendered a good service to 
your country ; & when the superiority of the work over 
every other on the same subject shall be more known, I 
think it will be the common manual of our revolutionary 

* George Alexander Otis was the son of Dr. Ephraim Otis of Scituate. and was born 
August 29, 1781. He settled in Boston, and was the author of numerous translations, of 
which the best known is his translation of Botta's History of the War of American Inde- 
pendence. See N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, vol. iv. p. 151. — Eds. 


history. I have not been sensible of the Southern par- 
tiality imputed by Mr. Adams to the author. The South- 
ern States as well as Northern did zealously whatever the 
situation or circumstances of each, or of their sister States, 
required or permitted, and a relation of what they did is 
only justice. I disapprove, with Mr. Adams, of the fac- 
titious speeches which Botta has composed for R. H. Lee 
& John Dickinson, speeches which he and I know were 
never made by these gentlemen. They took a part indeed 
in that great debate, and I believe we may admit Mr. 
Dickinson to have been the prominent debater against 
the measure. But many acted abler parts than R. H. 
Lee, as particularly Mr. Adams himself did. Mr. Lee 
was considered as an orator & eloquent, but not in that 
style which had much weight in such an assembly of men 
as that Congress was. Frothy, flimsy, verbose, with a 
musical voice and chaste language, he was a good pioneer, 
but not an efficient reasoner. This, Mr. Adams can tell 
you as well as myself. With regard to Botta, I have 
understood that he has taken some occasion to apologise 
for these supposititious speeches by pleading the example 
of the antient historians ; and we all know that their 
practice was to state the reasons for and against a meas- 
ure in the form of speeches, & put them into the mouths 
of some eminent character of their selection, who prob- 
ably had never uttered a word of them. I think the 
modern practice better of saying it was argued on one 
side by A, B, C, & others, so and so, and on the other by 
D, E, F, & others, so and so ; giving in this form the 
reasons for and against the measure. I do not recollect 
whether Botta has repeated the fault on other occasions. 
With respect to the speeches in the British Parliament I 
have taken for granted that he copied or abridged them 
from the Parliamentary Debates. M r Adams's criticism 
on Davila and Hume is just ; that the former is an 
apology for Catharine of Medicis, and the latter of the 


Stuarts, to which might be added Robertson's Mary, 
Queen of Scots. And these odious partialities are much 
to be lamented ; for otherwise they are three of the 
finest models of historical composition that have been 
produced since the days of Livy & Tacitus. 

Wishing you a full remuneration, either by the profits 
of your work or by the evidence it may have furnished 
the government of the degree in which they may avail 
the public of your services, I salute you with sentiments 
of esteem & respect. 

Tn: Jefferson. 

P. S. — I have just dispatched your two volumes to Mr. 
Botta, to whom I am sure they will be a gratification. 

Mr. George Alexander Otis. 


Thro' Depm't of State. 

Moxticello, Dec. 27, 20. 

" Over the length of silence I draw a curtain/' is an 
expression, my dear friend, of your cherished letter of 
Apr. 7, 19, of which it might seem I have need to avail 
myself ; but not so really. To 77 heavy years add two 
of prostrate health during which all correspondence has 
been suspended of necessity, and you have the true cause 
of not having heard from me. My wrist, too, dislocated 
in Paris while I had the pleasure of being there with 

* Maria Hadfield was the daughter of an Irishman or Englishman living in Italy, and 
was horn in Florence, but the date of her birth is uncertain ; and the date of her death is 
also unknown. After the death of her father she was brought to England by her mother, 
and took up miniature painting. In 1781 she exhibited three pictures at the Royal Acad- 
emy, and in the same year was married to Richard Cosway, then a very fashionable and 
highly successful artist. She herself obtained great popularity as a painter and etcher, and 
is mentioned several times in the letters of Horace Walpole. Much of her life is involved 
in ohscurity, but a large part of it was spent on the Continent. There are numerous letters 
to and from her among the Jefferson Papers, extracts from which are printed in Miss 
Randolph's Domestic Life of Thomas Jefferson. See Dictionary of National Biography, 
vol. xii. pp. 278-280. — Eds. 


you, is, by the effect of years, now so stiffened that writ- 
ing is become a most slow and painful operation, and 
scarcely ever undertaken out under the goad of imperious 
business. But I have never lost sight of your letter, and 
give it now the first place among those of my transatlan- 
tic friends which have been laying unacknoleged during 
the same period of ill-health. 

I rejoice in the first place that you are well ; for your 
silence on that subject encorages me to presume it. And 
next, that you have been so usefully and pleasingly occu- 
pied in preparing the minds of others to enjoy the bless- 
ings you have yourself derived from the same source, a 
cultivated mind. Of Mr. Cos way I fear to say any thing, 
such is the disheartening account of the state of his health 
given in your letter. But here or wherever, I am sure he 
has all the happiness which an honest life ensures. Nor 
will I say any thing of the troubles of those among whom 
you live. I see they are great, and wish them happily out 
of them, and especially that you may be safe and happy, 
whatever be their issue. T will talk about Monticello, 
then, and my own country, as is the wish expressed in 
your letter. My daughter Randolph, whom you knew in 
Paris a young girl, is now the mother of 11 living chil- 
dren, the grandmother of about half a dozen others, en- 
joys health and good spirits, and sees the worth of her 
husband attested by his being at present Governor of the 
State in which we live. Among these, I live like a patri- 
arch of old. Our friend Trumbull is well, & profitably & 
honorably employed by his country in commemorating 
with his pencil some of it's revolutionary honors. Of 
Mrs. Cruger I hear nothing, nor for a long time of Mad e 
de Corny. Such is the present state of our former co- 
terie : dead, diseased, & dispersed. But "tout ce qui est 
differe n'est pas perdu," says the French proverb, and the 
religion you so sincerely profess tells us we shall meet 
again; and we have all so lived as to be assured it will 


be in happiness. Mine is the next turn, and I shall meet 
it with good will, for after one's friends are all gone be- 
fore them, and our faculties leaving us too one by one, 
why wish to linger in mere vegetation, — as a solitary 
trunk in a desolate field, from which all it's former com- 
panions have disappeared ? You have many good years 
remaining yet to be happy yourself and to make those 
around you happy. May these, my dear friend, be as 
many as yourself may wish, and all of them filled with 
health and happiness, will be among the last & warmest 
wishes of an unchangeable friend. 

Th : Jefferson. 

M rs . Maria Cosway. 


Monticello, Jan. 19, 21. 

Dear Sir, — Your letter of the 9 th was 19 days in it's 
passage to me, being received yesterday evening only ; and 
now that I have recieved it, I wish that I could answer it 
more to your satisfaction. I must explain to you my 
situation. When I retired from office at Washington, my 
intimacy with my successor being well known, I became 
the center of application from all quarters, by those who 
wished appointments, to use my interposition in their favor. 
I gave into it for a while, until I found that I must for 
ever keep myself prostrate, and in the posture of a sup- 
pliant before the government, or renounce altogether the 
office of an intercessor. I determined on the latter ; and 
the number of applicants obliged me to have a formal letter 
printed in blank, to which I had only to put date, signa- 
ture, and address. I inclose you one of these in proof 
of the necessity I was under of laying down such a law 
to myself, and of a rigorous adherence to it. I comfort 
myself, however, in your case with the unimportance of 
any interposition. You are so well known to the Presi- 


dent and heads of departments that they need no body's 
information as to your qualifications and means of service. 
Where they know facts themselves they will act on their 
own judgments, and in your case particularly with every 
disposition in your favor ; and whatever they shall do for 
you w T ill give no one greater pleasure than myself. 

I am much indebted to you for the pamphlet of patents. 
It is a document which I have often occasion to consult. 
With my respectful souvenirs to the ladies of your family, 
I pray you to accept the assurance of my continued 
esteem and attachment. 

Th : Jefferson. 

D r Thornton. 


Free. Th: Jefferson. Col . John Taylor, Portroyal. 

Monticello, Feb. 14, 21. 

Dear Sir, — ... I recieved some time ago from Mr. 
Ritchie, in your name & his, a copy of your late work on 
the Constitution of the U. S. I returned him my thanks, 
& begged they might be communicated to yourself thro' 
the same channel. t But I am glad to avail myself of 
this opportunity of doing it directly, and with the more 
pleasure after having read the book, and acquired a 
knolege of it's value. I have no hesitation in saying 
that it carries us back to the genuine principles of the 
Constitution more demonstratively than any work pub- 
lished since the date of that instrument. It pulverises 
the sophistries of the judges on bank taxation, and of the 
5 lawyers on lotteries. This last act of venality (for it 

* The original of this letter is in the collection of autographs given to the Society by 
Mr. and Mrs. A. C. Washburn. The first part of the letter relates to the pecuniar}' circum- 
stances in which the family of Wilson C. Nicholas were left at his death, and has 
therefore been omitted. — Eds. 

f The letter to Thomas Ritchie here referred to is printed in Washington's edition of 
the Writings of Thomas Jefferson, vol. vii. pp. 191-193. — Eds. 



cannot be of judgment) makes me ashamed that I was 
ever a lawyer. I have suggested to a friend in the legis- 
lature that that body should send a copy of your book to 
every one of our Representatives & Senators in Congress 
as a standing instruction, and with a declaration that it 
contains the catholic faith, which whosoever doth not 
keep whole & undefiled, without doubt he shall perish 

Our University labors hard to come into existence. I 
am surprised it finds enemies in the colleges, academies, & 
private classical schools throughout the State, as if inimi- 
cal to them. But it becomes in truth their foundation, 
not their rival. It leaves to them the field of classical 
preparation, not proposing to turn itself into a grammar 
school. It leaves to them that middle degree of instruc- 
tion in geography, surveying, grammar, &c, which will 
be called for by the great body of those who cannot 
afford or who do not wish an University education. We 
shall recieve only those subjects who desire the highest 
degree of instruction, for which they now go to Harvard, 
Princeton, N. York, & Philadelphia. These seminaries 
are no longer proper for Southern or Western students. 
The signs of the times admonish us to call them home. 
If knolege is power, we should look to it's advancement 
at home, where no resource of power will be unwanting. 
This may not be in my day ; but probably will in yours. 
God send to our country a happy deliverance, and to 
yourself health, and as long a life as yourself shall 

Tn : Jefferson. 



Monticello, Nov. 24, 21. 

Dear Sir, — Your welcome favor of the 12 th came to 
hand two days ago. I was just returned from Poplar 
Forest, which I have visited four times this year. I have 
an excellent house there, inferior only to Monticello, am 
comfortably fixed and attended, have a few good neigh- 
bors, and pass my time there in a tranquility and retire- 
ment much adapted to my age and indolence. You so 
kindly ask an explanation of the illness which held me 
so long that I feel it a duty to give it. Having been 
long subject to local and slight affections of rheumatism, 
and being at Staunton on other business, I thought I 
would go to the Warmsprings and eradicate the seeds of 
it, for I was then in perfect health. I used the bath 
moderately for three weeks. I was not quick enough, 
however, in observing the gradual debility it was bring- 
ing on me. At length it produced a general eruption 
and imposthume. After a painful journey I got home 
unable to walk without help, and the debility and indis- 
position rapidly increased and reduced me to death's door. 
Swelled legs began to threaten dropsy, aided by a prostra- 
tion of the visceral powers. Abandoning medicine, how- 
ever, and fortifying my legs by bandages continued 8 or 
10 months, I am at length entirely recovered, and sup- 
pose myself as well as I ever shall be. I am very little able 
io walk, but ride freely without fatigue. No better proof 
than that on a late visit to the Natural Bridge I was six 

* This letter is printed from the polygraph copy in Jefferson's own hand, which bears 
no indication of the person to whom it was addressed. But there can be no doubt that it 
was written in answer to a letter from William Short, dated Philadelphia, Nov. 12, 1821, 
now in the Department of State at Washington, and calendared as follows, " Wishes to 
have direct intelligence as to his health and about the university, in which he takes great 
interest. His dislike of Mr. Madison. Governor Mercer's bad health. Le Roy de Chau- 
mont's estate. Tour on the great canal from Utica to Rome (N. Y.)." See Bulletin of the 
Bureau of Rolls and Library of the Department of State. No. 8. p. 499. —Eds. 


days successively on horseback from breakfast to sunset. 
You enquire also about our University. All it's buildings 
except the Library will be finished by the ensuing spring. 
It will be a splendid establishment, would be thought so 
in Europe, and for the chastity of it's architecture and 
classical taste leaves everything in America far behind it. 
But the Library, not yet begun, is essentially wanting to 
give it unity and consolidation as a single object. It will 
have cost in the whole but 250,000 D. The library is to 
be on the principle of the Pantheon, a sphere within a 
cylinder of 70 f . diameter, — to wit, one half only of the 
dimensions of the Pantheon, and of a single order only. 
When this is done you must come and see it. I do not 
admire your Canada speculation. I think, with Mr. Rit- 
tenhouse, that it is altogether unaccountable how any man 
can stay in a cold country who can find room in a warm 
one, and should certainly prefer, to polar regions of ice 
and snow, lands as fertile and cheap which may be cov- 
ered with groves of olives and oranges. I envy M. Chau- 
mont nothing but his French cook & cuisine. These are 
luxuries which can neither be forgotten nor possessed in 
our country. Our State has been visited by a sporadic 
fever of a most extraordinary character, if a thing so 
diversified can be said to have any character. In some 
places rapid & mortal, in others tedious and of little 
danger. It has prevailed too almost solely in the moun- 
tainous regions, — Harper's-Ferry, Loudon, Orange, Buck- 
ingham, Bedford, Botetourt. At the Big Lick in the last 
county it was stopped only by the compleat extermination 
of every human being living at the place, 42 in number. 
It is at length disappearing in most places. Our Visitors 
meet the ensuing week, and you will see in the public 
papers their annual report to the legislature on the state of 
the University, which will give you more particular views 
of it than I have done. We hear not a word of Correa, 
and it is long since I have heard of Charles Thompson. 

1821.] GEORGE TICKNOR. 309 

You would gratify me greatly by a minute account of his 
condition, which you can readily obtain where you are. 
You say nothing of your own health, whence I presume 
it good, and that it may continue so thro' as long a life 
as yourself shall wish is the prayer of your ever affection- 
ate friend, 

Th : Jefferson. 


Thomas Jefferson, Esq., Monticello, Albermarle Co., Virginia. 

Boston, Dec. 8, 1821. 

Dear Sir, — Your favours of Sep. 28 th , with an enclos- 
ure, and Oct. 24, introducing two young gentlemen, came 
in due season. The latter I have acknowledged in the 
way you desired, by offering the persons you presented 
me such assistance as they needed ; & having found them 
lodgings they liked and suitable instructers, they are, I 
believe, as well off as their friends could have reasonably 
anticipated, and seem disposed to improve the opportuni- 
ties we are able to give them in their respective studies. 
It will always afford me very high pleasure to be able to 
return to any of your friends or any persons connected 
with them some portion of the kindness & protection you 
have so often shown me. 

The petition to Congress to remove the duty on books 
is now, I hope, in train to be presented. The very day I 
received yonr's of Sep. 28, I wrote the Memorial, a copy 
of which goes with this letter, and the next day I had 
it presented to the Corporation, who accepted it and 
directed the President to commence the necessary corres- 
pondence to give it effect. Owing to his habits of pro- 
crastination, however, though desirous to carry on the 
project, & frequently urged to it by myself, he never 
got it ready till just a week since. Now, I believe, the 
circulars are sent, and I hope the attempt may yet be 


made with success at the present Congress. It is, I 
think, of great importance ; and, if you think of any 
further means to facilitate it, we shall be much grati- 
fied if you will use them, or suggest them to us, that we 
may avail ourselves of them. 

I wish there were any good prospect of succeeding in 
the other project, touching the duty on wines of an in- 
ferior quality, which you endeavoured to get reduced. 
The physical constitution of our people as a body, is, I 
doubt not, already affected by intemperance ; and if the 
consumption of spirituous liquors should increase for 
thirty years to come at the rate it has for thirty years 
back we should be hardly better than a nation of sots. 
Great exertions have been made in this quarter of the 
country to diminish the evil by moral means, and the 
people are alarmed ; but, though some effect has been 
produced, we have not much reason to be seriously en- 
couraged. All good men, therefore, are ready here to 
cooperate with you in any project you may have, tending 
to check the progress of this wasting habit. 

I am very anxious to hear more about your University, 
and to learn something of its success. Every day per- 
suades me anew of the truth of an opinion I have long 
held, that at Cambridge we never shall become what we 
might be very easily unless we are led or driven to it by 
a rival. I see no immediate prospect of such a rival, 
except in your University, & therefore I long to have it 
in successful operation. 

Gov. Randolph and all your family I hope are well. 
I beg to be remembered to them with great respect & 
gratitude. As I am now married and established in Bos- 
ton, I hope I may have the opportunity of sometimes 
showing hospitality to some of your or their friends who 
may come this way. Few things would give me more 
pleasure. Yrs. with great respect, 

Geo : Ticknor. 

Mr. Jefferson. 

1822.] CHAPMAN JOHNSON". 311 


Thomas Jefferson, Esquire, Monticello. Mr. Cabell. 

Richmond, 29 March, 1822. 

Dear Sir, — I am very sorry that is not in my power 
to be with you at the meeting of the Visitors on Monday 
next ; I am unexpectedly spancelled in a criminal prose- 
cution here, from which I cannot be released. M r Cabell, 
however, who does me the favor to carry you this letter, 
will be able to give you more information than I should 
as to the proceedings of the legislature and the temper of 
the members on the subject of the University. 

Will you allow me to make a suggestion to you, and 
through you to the board, on one subject which will prob- 
ably claim your attention at the approaching meeting, 
— the rotunda ? 

This building I regard as a necessary part of our plan, 
and sooner or later it must be erected. But it does not 
appear to me to be indispensible to the commencement of 
the institution. If, however, we had the funds for its 
immediate completion, I should not hesitate a moment in 
thinking that we ought to build it without delay. But 
in the present condition of our funds, and in the actual 
state of the public mind in relation to our institution, I 
am thoroughly persuaded that considerations of prudence 
and of sound policy absolutely forbid us from contracting 
for the laying or the making of a single brick for this 
building at this time, and recommend the appropriation 
of all our means to the completion of the buildings 
already undertaken, and to preparation for putting the 
University into immediate operation. If we could come 
before the legislature at their next session with informa- 
tion that accommodations for ten professors and more 
than two hundred students were prepared ; that if our 


debt were paid we should be prepared to open the insti- 
tution ; that the building for the library and other useful 
purposes, which could be dispensed with in the commence- 
ment, would be indispensible in the progress of the insti- 
tution, if it should prosper ; and that in that event it 
would be necessary at some convenient time to provide 
funds for it, — I think it not improbable that the debt 
would be remitted if nothing more could be done. But I do 
believe that if we persist in the erection of this building 
at this time, we put at great hazard the future patronage 
of the legislature, and I am exceedingly afraid of exas- 
perating public feeling upon this subject. I know that 
M r Cabell entertains the opinion that the erection of this 
building at this time is more generally approved than I 
suppose it to be. This opinion, however, should be well 
examined before it is adopted. The indications of it are 
calculated to deceive. Our rivals would advise it, to 
postpone the time of our commencement, and to multiply 
the chances of our defeat. Our enemies would advise it 
for the same reasons, and many of our friends approve it 
because, willing to go all lengths for us themselves, they 
hope that the legislature may be prevailed upon to sanc- 
tion it. But I do know that some of our warm friends 
are decidedly opposed to it ; and depend upon it, we have 
not a single vote to lose. On the contrary, we must make 
friends in order to gain the favor of the legislature. 

Excuse me, if you please. I will waste no more of 
your time. 

Very respectfully, 

Your obt. sv l . 

C : Johnson. 

1822.] JOHN H. COLEMAN. 313 


The Honb le Thomas Jefferson, Monticello, near Charlottesville, 


Paris, Bourbon County, Kentucky, July 16 th , 1S22. 

The Honbl e Thomas Jefferson : 

Sir, — I flatter myself that you will not be displeased 
at the liberty I take of troubling you with this communi- 
cation. There is at this time an interesting and important 
political question that agitates to a great degree the body 
politic of our State ; and knowing the sincere and heartfelt 
interest that you have ever entertained for our common 
country, I have concluded that you might not be disinter- 
ested in a matter so important to a Western State. This 
question has arisen from the pecuniary embarrassments of 
our State, and has assumed a shape that is well calculated 
to alarm the friends and Republicans of our gov*. A 
discord exists between our Legislative and Judicial 
departments. The Legislature in 1820 enacted a law 
establishing the " Commonwealth' s Bank" As there was 
no specie deposited in its vaults the paper soon after it's 
issue began to depreciate ; but as the measure was a very 
popular one, at our next session a law was passed requir- 
ing a plaintf. who had recovered judg 1 to endorse upon his 
execution when issued that the paper of that Bank should 
be taken in discharge thereof; and if this step was not 
taken that the deft, should have a right to replevy the 
debt for two years, to be discharged in specie. 

This law was opposed by some of our citizens ; and a 
party who had recovered judgement for a debt brought 
the question before our Circuit Court by moving to quash 
a replevy bond, on the grounds that the law authorizing 
the proceedings was contrary to the Federal and State 
constitutions. The judge decided the law to be ^consti- 
tutional. The Legislature were then in session, and pro- 


ceeded instanter to act upon the business in a manner which 
you will observe by a perusal of the document which I 
have taken the liberty herewith to communicate. In the 
lengthy discussion upon the subject our members refered 
to that excellent authority written by yourself in " Notes 
of Virginia" where you so perspicuously shew the relative 
nature and duty of the several departments of our well 
organized gov*. This authority would have been conclu- 
sive, but the supporters of the law attempted to diminish 
its influence by producing a letter which you have lately 
written to M r . Jarvis, who has recently composed a polit- 
ical work ; # and they relyed upon that part of your 
letter in which you remark : " You seem in pages 84 & 
148 to consider the judges the ultimate arbiters of all 
constitutional questions ; a very dangerous doctrine in- 
deed, and one that would place us under the despotism of 
an oligarchy." They further attempted to shew that by 
the tenor of that letter that if a judge should decide a 
law unconstitutional, that the Legislature were required 
by a sense of duty to remove him from office, if they 
deemed the law essential and important to promote the 
happiness of the country. All men admit that " Salus 
populi Lex suprema," but most politicians would contend 
that if a law is passed in contravention to the constitu- 
tion that that instrument must be impaired and paralyzed 
if the law is enforced ; and that however great may be 
the necessity of the law, that where there is a discre- 
pancy between the law and the Constitution that the 
latter must prevail, untill it is regularly altered or 

I sincerely apologize, Sir, for troubling you with this 
communication, and would not have written it, but in 
consideration of the very high esteem and veneration in 
which I hold your character as a statesman and a Repub- 

* See ante, p. 298. — Eds. 

1822.] THOMAS COOPEE. 315 

lican, and beleiving that, although your personal interest 
may not in the slightest degree be effected, that you still 
retain that general and patriotic feeling, and those ortho- 
dox principles of liberty and equality which have been so 
proudly cherished by the Western people. Pardon me, 
Sir, for making the request that, if it is not inconsistent 
with your feelings or convenience, that you will give me 
an answer and communicate, even briefly, your views upon 
this political subject. I wish to make no public use of it ; 
but as I am a young man and meet with some difficulty 
upon the subject, it would be highly gratifying to know 
y r . sentiments. My father, who (when living) was your 
warm personal friend, taught me when a youth to cherish 
the noble principles that you dictated for your country- 
men, and since I arrived to the age of maturity I am con- 
firmed in the rectitude of his precepts. 

Accept, Sir, the assurances of my highest respect and 
best wishes that the evening of your life may be as tran- 
quil as the meridian of it was useful. 
Very respectfully, 

Your hum ble serv*. 

John H. Coleman. 


Columbia, South Carolina, Oct r 18 th , 1822. 

Dear Sir, — I spent the three months of vacation at 
this college in an excursion to various parts of the State 
of Pennsylvania, chiefly for the purpose of attending to 
some land concerns in which I am interested. I write to 
you now for the purpose of giving you some idea of the 
progress of fanatacism, which I could not have figured to 
myself if I had not had the advantage of extensive 
personal observation. When I lived at Northumberland 
with D r Priestley, a more social place could not well be 


imagined. The harmony of private society was hardly 
interrupted by politics, and not at all by religion. Pres- 
byterians, Methodists, Seceders, Baptists, Unitarians, and 
Episcopalians lived together, and mixed freely in society. 
At present, owing to the predominant influence of the 
Presbyterian preachers, over the women particularly, 
whom they tempt out to nightly sermons & prayer meet- 
ings, I was invited to, and compelled to visit my old 
friends, not collected in social parties, but in detail. The 
heads of families of one sect keep aloof from those of 
another ; and the bitterness & intolerance of theological 
hatred reigns in full force. I found this the case at 
Northumberland, at Sunbury, at Reading, at Harrisburgh, 
and in every place without exception wherever I enquired 
into the fact. At Harrisburgh these religious parties 
occupy every evening, and the meeting houses are crowded 
with women, while the taverns are equally crowded with 
such of their husbands as revolt at these works of superer- 
rogation. Judge Franks, who boarded at the same tavern 
at Harrisburgh that I did (for he was there holding his 
courts at the time), told me that he was induced not merely 
to subscribe to each of these fanatics, but to attend fre- 
quently their meetings, lest a character for irreligion should 
attach to him as judge. He told me that a short time before 
I saw him he had heard a sermon one evening at Harris- 
burgh, from a Mr De Witt, a Presbyterian clergyman from 
New York, in which the preacher declared that a man 
might be a good citizen, a good father, a good husband, a 
good neighbour, charitable, benevolent, and observant of 
every moral duty, — nay, he might sedulously & conscien- 
tiously attend all the ordinances of religion as a means 
of saving grace, but if he were not one of the elect ac- 
cording to the foreknowledge of God before the founda- 
tions of the world were laid, all his endeavours were not 
only unavailing, but savoured of sin. I well know this 
is in conformity with Puritan orthodoxy, and is to be 

1822.] THOMAS COOPER. 317 

found in the articles of the Church of England as well as 
among the Calvinistic Presbyterians ; but if there be any 
doctrine calculated to demoralize society, to make the 
good bad and the wicked worse, it is such a doctrine 
as this. 

The same tenets and the same practices prevail all 
through North Carolina & the upper parts of this State, 
and very strongly indeed in the town of Columbia, where 
I live. Our college has 2 Presbyterian, and one Roman 
Catholic professor, and I go regularly to the Episcopal 
Church with my family. But because the professors here 
live in mutual tolerance and harmony this college is 
openly and publicly denounced as void of all religion. 
Yet I know not where prayers are more enforced morning 
or evening among the students, or attended more regu- 
larly by the faculty. I go now to prayers every morning, 
but not in an evening, as my lectures are not over till 
3 o'clock in the afternoon. 

I find in New York State every where, where I have 
been or from whence I have received information, that 
their is a public, avowed, persevering attempt among the 
Presbyterians to establish a system of tythes ; this is 
brought forward in many publications ; at Utica, in 
N. Yk. State, and in South Carolina, as well as interme- 
diate places. Equally decided and persevering is the 
attempt of the same sect to acquire the command over 
every seminary of education, and finally to attempt, in 
favour of the Presbyterians, a Church establishment. Of 
these designs on the part of that sect I am as fully per- 
suaded as I am of my own existence ; and what is worse, 
I greatly fear they will succeed. The people, not aware 
of the frauds committed, are the gross dupes of missionary 
societies, Bible societies, and theological seminaries ; and 
every head of a family of a religious turn, or in any way 
connected with that sect, must submit to the power these 
parsons have acquired, — acquired by making the females 


of the families which they are permitted to enter the 
engines of their influence over the male part. I foresee 
another night of superstition, not far behind the Inquisi- 
tion ; for so rancorously is every opponent calumniated 
that the persecution becomes gradually irresistible, and 
the men who hate these impostors & their frauds are 
actually compelled to bow down to them. I look around 
me, and knowing, as I do, the general prevalence of 
liberal opinions on religious subjects among well educated 
men, I regard with absolute horror the system of simu- 
lation and dissimulation which they are compelled to 
adopt ; and I cannot help exclaiming with Lucretius : — 

" Tantum haec religio potuit suadere malorum ! " 

In the college here, the industry of the faculty is exem- 
plary, their competence undeniable, but the cry is gone 
forth, " There is no religion among them," & I greatly 
fear it will make the college totter to its fall ; for 
utterly false as it is, the want of prayer meetings and 
religious revivals will be accepted as undeniable evidence 
of the charge. In hopes of hearing that things are not 
quite so bad in Virginia, I sit down to communicate my 
fears and forebodings. In the State of Pennsylvania I 
see no prospect of amendment ; for the prevailing doc- 
trine is that a collegiate education is good only for the 
rich, and they ought to obtain it at their own expence 
without any legislative aid. 

M. Correa, I find, is compelled to fly to Paris, being too 
much attached to the royal cause for the present crisis. 

I hope your health keeps yet good, and that you still 
enjoy enough of life to make it desireable. 

May God bless you. 

Thomas Cooper. 

S. Carolina College. 



Free. Th: Jefferson. TFilliam Tudor, Esq., Boston. 

Monticello, Feb. 14, 23. 

Sir, — I have duly recieved your favor of Jan. 24, and 
with that a copy of your life of James Otis, for which be 
pleased to accept my thanks. The character of Mr. Otis, 
the subject of this work, is one which I have always been 
taught to hold in high estimation, and I have no doubt 
that the volume will on perusal be found worthy of it's 
subject. With respect to the part of it respecting D r . 
Franklin, on which you ask my opinion particularly, I 
have perused it with attention, and as far as my personal 
acquaintance authorises me to say, I think it generally 
just & correct. Of one point, however, I was not aware, 
to wit, that the D r . came more tardily into the idea of 
resistance by arms than others generally. When he re- 
turned from England and took his first seat in Congress, 
which was before our second petition to the king, he was 
as forward as any of us ; and he first laid on our table a 
form of confederation. However, it is very possible that 
while he continued in England, surrounded by the appal- 
ling means of that powerful nation, and compared them 
with ours, he might have doubts whether the array in 
arms might not be better postponed awhile. On this 
subject, however, I have no particular information. With 
my thanks for the copy of your work, be pleased to accept 
the assurance of my great esteem & respect. 

Th: Jefferson. 

* The Historical Society owns the original draught of this letter (in the collection of 
Jefferson Papers given by Mr. Coolidge in June, 1898), and also the letter actually sent (in 
the collection of Tudor Papers given by Mrs. Fenno Tudor in April, 1881). In the draught 
a few words were abbreviated, and two or three slight verbal changes were made when the 
letter was written out. The letter is here printed from the perfected copy. — Eds. 



Monto. June 3, 23. 

Sir, — I have duly recieved your favor of May 2, and 
since that the 20 bottles of Scuppernon wine you have 
been so kind as to forward. I am gratified too to learn 
that the two casks of that wine furnished me heretofore 
thro the friendly agency of Col . Burton were from you. 
They were really fine. I had urgently pressed on him 
that there should be no cookery on them of brandy, sugar, 
or other medicament, and as far as my palate can dis- 
criminate they are pure. All the samples of this wine 
which I have seen except these two and one other, have 
been so adulterated with brandy & sugar as to be mere 
juleps, and not wine ; and candor obliges me to say that 
the 20 bottles now recieved are so charged with brandy, 
perhaps too with sugar, as that the vinous flavor is lost 
and absorbed. There will never be a drinkable wine made 
in this country until this barbarous practice is discon- 
tinued of adulterating with brandy. It is the result of a 
taste vitiated by the use of ardent spirits. I shall be 
gratified indeed if permitted to apply to you for my sup- 
plies from time to time of this wine which I so much 
esteem, under an absolute assurance that there shall be 
nothing in it but the pure juice of the grape. If there 
be any fear that it will not keep without brandy, let that 
be my risk. 

Your offer is the more acceptable as I find that your 
correspondent in Richm d . and mine is the same. Col B. 
Peyton will always pay on demand the cost of the wine 
on your draught and the general instruction which I will 
send him, and I shall be e^lad to recieve now a 30 gallon 
cask as soon as you can furnish it with a certainty of it's 

* This letter is printed from the original draught, which is indorsed in Jefferson's hand 
; ' Cox, Tho*. Plymouth, X. C, June 3, 23."— Eds. 


purity, adding to your draught for it's cost that of the 
20 bottles recently recieved. 

I am not sfftly. acquainted with the process of wine 
making in France to give you any useful informn on the 
subject. This fact only I know, that no man who makes 
a wine of reputation in that country would put a teaspoon- 
ful of brandy into it were you to offer him a guinea a 
bottle for it, because, as he says, it would for ever destroy 
the character of his wine. This opern is always performed 
by the exporting merchant, and those of Bourdeaux ex- 
pressed their astonishment to me at the instructions they 
always recieved from American customers to put such a 
proportion of brandy into the wines they called for. It 
will be a satisfaction to me to learn from yourself that 
you can furnish me with this wine with an assurance that 
it shall be pure and unadulterated. Accept my salutns of 
esteem & respect. 

Til: J. 

P. S. — What is deemed the age of perfect ripeness of 
this wine, and the proper one for drinking it ? 


M°. June 14, 23. 

Dear Sir, — The reasons assigned in your favor of the 
7 th for preferring to retain London instead of Albemarle 
are such as cannot be controverted. The society of our 
children is the sovereign balm of life, and the older we 
grow the more we need it to fill up the void made by the 
daily losses of the companions and friends of our youth. 
Nor ought we of this nborhood to regret a preference so 
conducive to your own happiness. We must submit, as in 

* This letter is printed from a rough draught, with numerous omissions and interlinea- 
tions.— Eds. 



other cases, to unwelcome occurrences, and hope that in 
the endeavor to retain a part of the estate here we see a 
possibility of your visiting us occasionally. To me the 
loss will be greater than to younger persons. Age & 
debility have obliged me to put all my affairs into the 
hands of my grandson.* Even a daily ride, necessary to 
keep up my health and spirits, is now at a loss for objects 
to encorage it. To have terminated it sometimes at Oak- 
wood with a half hour's conversn with those whose minds, 
familiarised with the same scenes, would range with sym- 
pathy over the same topics, would have chequered the 
monotony of a country life disengaged from country 
occnpns. The University, indeed, gives me some wel- 
come employment. If the legislature will declare at once 
to have given what they have hitherto called a loan, so 
that I may see the instil opened on the high ground I 
have ever contemplated, I shall sing my nunc dimittes 
with pleasure. 

The case in which you have so kindly endeavored to 
mediate is too long for explanation by letter. I must 
reserve it for conversn when we meet a^ain. In the 
mean while no time is lost, for as long as the party con- 
tinues his present habits there would be neither satisfn 
nor safety in his society ; and his reclamation from them 
I believe to be absolutely desperate. This, however, does 
not lessen our sense of the kindness and frdshp of your 
wish to relieve us from the most constant & poignant 
affliction of our lives. And with the assurance of our 
gratitude for this, accept that of my constant & cordial 
frdshp & respect. 

Tn: J. 

President Monroe. 

* Thomas Jefferson Randolph, eldest son of Thomas Mann and Martha (Jefferson) 
Randolph. He was born at Mouticello, Sept. 12, 1792, and died at Edge Hill, Oct. 8, 
3875. — Eds. 

1823.] JOSHUA DODGE. 323 


Boston, 7 July, 1823. 

Esteemed Sir, — I take the liberty of informing you 
of my arrival in this city a few days since, highly grati- 
fied with my journey to the southward, & particularly 
with the truly hospitable State of Virginia, which in fact 
is the land of hospitality. I no longer wonder at the 
attachment every one who has visited that State ex- 
presses towards it, for it is impossible for a stranger to 
visit it without feeling proud & gratified at the attentions 
he has received. The free manner in which every Vir- 
ginian converses, expressing openly & candidly whatever 
his sentiments may be, whether on the subject of politics 
or religion, gave me the highest opinion of the manner in 
which your young men are brought up. It gives me pleas- 
ure to say that the Unitarian religion in the New England 
States has been the means of breaking the strong grasp 
of superstition which formerly disgraced this part of the 
Union, & I have observed with sincere pleasure that 
the Eastern young men now begin to think for them- 
selves on that subject as well as on politics, & the impor- 
tant change lately effected in the politics of this State 
has been chiefly owing to the exertions of its young citi- 
zens ; they have desefved well of their country, for 
they have restored their native State to its rank in the 
Union. Federalism has received its death blow, & Ke- 
publicanism is now triumphant throughout our common 
country ; the Essex Junto has been driven from its strong 
hold, & now lies growling in the dust, where possibly it 
may bark a little, but as the old proverb says, " barking 

* Joshua Dodge was a native of Salem, Mass., and was for some j'ears American consul 
at Marseilles, where he was in business as a commission merchant with Thomas Oxnard, a 
native of Portland, Maine, under the firm-name of Dodge & Oxnard. He transacted con- 
siderable business for Jefferson ; and there are several letters from him relating to ship- 
ments of oil and wine. — Eds. 


dogs seldom bite." Respecting Spain, there appears but 
one sentiment, which is, destruction to the French invad- 
ing army, & success to the Constitutional Spaniards. 
The Spaniards have done well in suffering the French to 
advance, by that means weakening the Duke d'Angou- 
leme, who is obliged to leave sufficient troops behind him 
to keep up the communication with France ; & conse- 
quently the farther d'Angouleme advances, the more sure 
prey he becomes to the Spaniards. I enclose you a piece 
wrote by a friend of mine on this subject, which was 
shown to me before printing & met my approbation. Be 
pleased to present my most respectful compliments to M r 
& M rs Randolph, & to your grand children ; I shall never 
forget the happy, happy days I passed at Monticello. A 
general war will soon take place in Europe ; the people are 
determined to be free ; the North of Italy, France, the 
Low Countries & part of Germany must & will have free 
& written constitutions. England will be obliged to place 
herself at the head of these constitutional governments, 
in order to protect herself as well as them against the 
destructive grasp of Russia. Under the present despotic 
governments in Europe the people care little whether 
they are governed by Alexander or by any other despot 
(no consequence what his name may be), if they are not 
benefitted themselves by the change ; & as Europe is now 
governed they will not defend the country of their 
tyrants, & at any moment Europe may become the prey 
of Alexander. England must then pay for all her sins 
against the rights of man ; this she knows & in her own 
defence (not that she wishes to give liberty to Europe) 
she must come forward & place herself at the head of the 
constitutional movements in Europe ; for it is only under 
the banners of liberty that the people will join heart & 
hand in defending what will then become their country. 
I took tea last evening with the venerable M r Adams, & 
presented him your compliments; he was very happy 

1823.] THOMAS COX. 325 

to hear from you, still more so in seeing a person who 
had had the pleasure of passing some days in your hos- 
pitable mansion. I should consider it a high honour to 
recieve a letter from you; but I hardly dare ask that 
favour, knowing the immense number of more valuable 
correspondents that you have, & which occupies the 
greatest part of your time ; but should you honour me 
with an answer I shall esteem it as a particular favour. 
My address is care of P. P. F. Degrand, Boston. I shall 
embark in October next for Marseilles, & until then I cal- 
culate to pass my time in this part of my country. I 
remain, my dear Sir, 

Yours most sincerely, 

Josh a Dodge. 

To Thomas Jefferson, Esq. 



Plymouth, 16 th July, 1823. 

Respected Sir, — An excursion in the upper part of 
our State, which kept me some time from home, has pre- 
vented an earlier reply to your letter of the 3 rd June. 

It will give me great pleasure to have you 30 gallons of 
the grape-juice put up in the best stile and entirely un- 
mixed with any other substance. The season for procur- 
ing it is in October, and previous to that time I will make 
arrangements with Mr James Ambrose (who is a man of 
very fair character, & said to be the first manufacturer of 
Scuppernong wine in this State) to put up the juice for 
you. About two years since I persuaded this gentleman 
to distill one barrel juice to add to a proportion of the 
juice not distill'd so as to make a bbl. wine for you, and 
which I thought would be greatly superior to the common 
mixture of apple brandy. M r Ambrose made the attempt, 


but lost both barrels juice, by carelessly putting about 2 gal- 
lons green grapes with those which were to be expressed 
for distillation. He did not offer me the bbl. wine when 
made, as he knew I wanted it for you. 

Some attempts have been made before now to preserve 
the juice without the addition of some stronger liquid, but 
in all cases that ever I have known the juice becomes flat 
& insipid. It will gradually restore itself if sufferd to re- 
main unmoved, but I have never known an instance where 
it was permitted to remain more than a twelve month & 
which is not long enough to make a fair proof of it. I 
am, however, of opinion that a small portion of brandy, 
say 2 gallons to the barrel, instead of 6 gals., the usual 
quantity, w d have a tendency to preserve the juice better. 
The 2 bbls. I sent you some time since had about 5 gals, 
brandy each. 

If I have no further instructions on the subject I will 
have a 30 gal. cask -pure juice put up in October & sent to 
Col. Peyton first opportunity. 

I have never seen any of this wine of more than three 
years standing, & that had so much improved, it scarcely 
seemed to be the same wine. In no case have I ever known 
sugar put in. 

With sentiments of high respect, 

I am, Sir, y r mo. ob. serv fc . 

Thomas Cox. 

Thomas Jefferson, Esquire. 


Monto, Aug. 3, 23. 

Dear Sir, — I am happy by your favor of July 7, to 
hear from you after your tour thro' so much of the U. S., 
and particularly to recieve the result of your observations 
of the general ascendancy of republicanism and of good dis- 


positions towards Spain. The two sentiments spring from 
the same root. The republican regeneration of Massachu- 
sets gives me real joy. The union of New England and 
Virginia alone carried us thro' the revolution. Five 
steady votes were given by them on every question, and 
we picked up scatterers from the other less decided States 
which always secured a majority. Since that we are be- 
come aliens and almost hostile ; and why ? I know not. 
Virginia has never swerved a hair's breadth from the line of 
republicanism & Americanism. Massachusets has strayed 
a little into the paths of federalism & Anglicism ; but a 
good portion of her citizens have always remained loyal 
to true principles ; they have brought their wandering 
brethren back again to their fold, and w T e joyfully recieve 
them with the fraternal embrace. We shall now, I hope, 
feel towards each other the sentiments which united us in 
the revolution and become again truly brethren of the same 

I am just recovered from an illness of 3 weeks, and am 
obliged to borrow the pen of another to assure you of my 
great esteem & respect. 

Th: J. 

P. S. Mr. Degrand has been so kind as to inform me 
that he recieved and forwarded my duplicate letters to 
your house for my annual supplies. 


Mo. Sep. 5, 23. 

Dear Sir, — Your favor of July 16, was rec d in due 
time, and I am thankful for the trouble you propose to 
undertake to procure for me at this ensuing vintage a 
barrel of the Scuppernon pure juice without any adulterii 
of brandy or other thing. I would wish it to be sent 
early in November when it will be endangered by neither 


the heat or cold of the season. I will give that cask a 
fair trial, as well whether it will keep without brandy as 
to ascertain at what age it is properly ripe for use. I 
have drunk it at 4 y. old, and it was the best I ever drank. 
I believe it is a wine which requires a certain age, and if 
it improves with age it is a proof it has a body of it's own, 
not needing brandy. As this is destined for a distant 
time I must ask the favor of you to procure me a couple 
of quarter casks for immediate use. Let them be as old & 
with as little brandy as can be found, and if the mixture 
be of French instead of apple brandy I shall gladly pay 
the difference of their cost. I think it worth while to go 
to the expence of double casking them to guard against 
adultern on their passage. If you will be so good as to 
forward them to Col B. Peyton of Richm d , & to draw 
on him on my account for their cost he will honour your 
draught. If this wine can mature itself without being 
brandied, it will attain a high character. Otherwise it 
must still be unbrandied and drunk at the age to which it 
will keep itself ; for the brandy flavor in wine will never 
satisfy a practised palate. Accept the tender of my 
great esteem & respect, Th : J. 

Mr Thomas Cox, 

Plymouth, N. C. 


Thomas Jefferson, Monticello, State of Virginia. 

La Grange, December 20 th , 1823. 

My dear Friend, — It is a very long while since my 
eyes were gratified with a sight of your hand writing ; I 
know that occupation is a fatigue to you, and would not 
be importunate. But when you indulge the pleasure to 
converse with absent friends, remember few are as old, 
and none can be more happy than I am in the testimonies 
of your welfare and affection. 


Every account I receive from the U. S. is a compensa- 
tion for European disappointments and disgusts. There 
our revolutionary hopes have been fulfilled, and altho' I 
must admire the observations of such a witness as my 
friend Jefferson, we may enjoy the happy thought that 
never a nation has been so compleatly free, so rapidly 
prosperous, so generally enlightned. Look , on the con- 
trary, to old Europe. Spain, Portugal, Italy, amidst the 
patriotic wishes of the less ignorant part of the people 
and the noble sentiments of a few distinguished charac- 
ters, have shown themselves unequal to a regeneration, 
less on account of the criminal attaks of a diabolical 
Alliance and the perfidious friendships of Great Britain, 
than because the great masses are still under the influ- 
ence of prejudice, superstition, vicious habits, and because 
intrigue and corruption have found their way among the 
aristocratical part of their patriots. German patriotism 
and philantropy evaporates in romantic ideology; two 
nations alone, French and English, or one of them, could 
take the lead in European emancipation. But in England 
both Whigs and Tories are tenacious of a double aristoc- 
racy, their own with respect to the Commoners, that of 
their island over all the countries of the earth. There 
is, I am told, more liberality among their Radicals ; but 
hitherto we must take them at their word, as power is 
elsewhere, and they do nothing to obtain it. You have 
been a sharer, my dear friend, in my enthusiastic French 
hopes ; you have seen the people of France truly a great 
nation, when the rights of mankind, proclaimed, conquered, 
supported by a whole population, were set up as a new 
imported American doctrine, for the instruction and ex- 
ample of Europe, when they might have been the sole 
object and the glorious price of a first irresistible impul- 
sion, which has since been spent into other purposes by 
the subsequent vicissitudes of government ; the triple 
counter revolution of Jacobinism, Bonapartism, and Bour- 


bonism, in the first of which disguised Aristocracy had 
also a great part, has worn oat the springs of energetic 
patriotism. The French people are better informed, less 
prejudiced, more at their ease on the point of property, 
industry, habits of social equality in many respects, than 
before the Revolution. But from the day when the 
National Constitution, made, sworn, worshipped by them- 
selves, was thrown down on a level with the edicts of 
arbitrary kings, to the present times, when a chartre 
octroy ee is invocated by the more liberal among our 
publicists, so many political heresies have been professed, 
so dismal instances of popular tyranny are remembered, 
so able institutions of despotism have crushed all resist- 
ance, that, if you except our young generations, egotism 
and apathy, not excluding general discontent, are the 
prevailing disposition. In the mean while all adversaries 
of mankind, — coalesced kings, British aristocrats, Conti- 
nental nobles, Coblentz emigrants, restored Jesuits, are 
pushing their plot with as much fury but more cunning 
than they had hitherto evinced. Emperor Alexander is 
now the chief of European counter revolution ; what he 
and his allies will do, either in concert or in competition 
with England, to spoil the game of Greece, and to annoy 
the new republics of America, I do not know ; but altho' 
the policy of the U. S. has been hitherto very prudent, 
it seems to me they cannot remain wholly indiffer- 
ent to the destruction, on the American Continent, of 
every right proclaimed in the immortal Declaration of 

Among the destitutions which the spirit of counter 
revolution and priestcraft are every day operating in the 
French seminaries of learning, there is one victim which 
cannot but be particularly interesting to you. I mean 
M. Botta, the author of an Italian history of the war of 
independance, translated first in French, and since, under 
your auspices, in English. M. Botta, who has obtained 


your approbation, fully deserves it, and has a proper sense 
of the testimonies of your esteem, was a peaceful worthy 
principal of the College of Rouen, where his rectorship has 
been taken from him, under no plausible pretence, unless 
it is for the supposed congeniality of his opinion with 
our American doctrines. He had at first, or rather his 
friends had for him, the idea of his going to the U. S. 
Bat age, bad health, a family of children keep him in 
France. I have been applied to on the subject of an 
American subscription in his behalf. Don't you think, 
my dear friend, it might take place ; and then who could 
be better fit to give it proper weight and effect than you 
who have valued the work and the historian so far as 
to superintend a translation for the benefit of the Ameri- 
can youth, and give him personal marks of your regard ? 
I have been desired to enquire whether you have 
received from Doctor Defenclente Sacchi a copy of a moral 
novel, called Oriele. The hero of the tale is made to travel 
throughout the U. S., where he has the pleasure to con- 
verse with M r Jefferson when due hommage is paid to the 
venerated interlocutor. Another copy has been sent to 
the American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia. No 
answer has come to hand. The doctor is a respectable 
scientific inhabitant of Pavia, chief redacteur of an impor- 
tant work, Collection of the Classical Methaphicians. You 
will easily [see ?] by whom of our friends I am in this 
affair commissioned. He is well, and so are both our 
families, who request their best respects to be presented 
to you. Remember me to M rs Randolph, and receive 
the most affectionate good wishes of your old tender 


P. S. I was preparing to send the above letter when I 
have been blessed with yours, Novemb. 4 th inclosing one 
for M. de Tracy. How deeply I have been affected with 


the account you give of 3-our health, and the affectionate 
expressions of your sentiments for me, your friendly heart 
will better feel than words could tell. I shall answer you 
in a short time. But must here express the pleasure of a 
paternal friend when I found in your letter, and had to 
communicate to Miss Wright your opinion of A few days 
in Athens, which her high veneration for you makes her so 
worthy to enjoy. I shall at some time send you a short 
biographical note for good M r Botta. 

I am for the second time a great grandfather. The 
whole family beg to be respectfully remembered. 


Monticello, in Virginia, Apr. 26, 24. 

Much respected Sir, — A letter addressed to you 
from a perfect stranger undoubtedly requires apology. 
This I can only find in the character of the subject pro- 
ducing it, a subject cherished in every literary breast. 
The State of Virginia, of which I am a native and resi- 
dent, is engaged in the establishment of an university on 
a scale of such extent as may give it eminence on this 
side of the Atlantic. I am entrusted with a share in it's 
adiiin & goviiit. We are anxious to place in it none but 
professors of the first grade of science in their respective 
lines, and for these we must go to countries where that 
highest grade exists, and of preference to Gr. Br., the land 
of our own language, morals, manners, & habits. For a 
professor of the classical languages particularly, of the 
highest attainments in them, Oxford necessarily offers 
itself as the institution most eminent in the world in that 
branch of learning ; and of whose judgment there could 

* Samuel Parr, one of the most eminent classical scholars of his time and a strong 
Whig partisan, was horn at Harrow-on-the-Hill, England, Jan. 2G, 174G-7, and died at 
Hatton, March G, 1825. See Dictionary of National Biography, vol. xliii. p. 3G4. — Eds. 

1824.] THOMAS JEFFERSON". 333 

we so much wish to be availed as that of the oldest and 
purest classic now living ? This, then, Sir, is the object 
which produces the obtrusion of this letter on you. It 
will be handed you by Mr. F. W. Gilmer, a gentleman of 
high qualifns. in various branches of science, of a correct 
and honble character, worthy of all confidce and of any 
attention you may be pleased to bestow on him. He is 
authorised to select professors for us ; but being an entire 
stranger in the country to which he is sent to make this 
selection, if unaided by faithful advice from others, he 
may be liable to gross error and imposition in distinguish- 
ing characters of the degree of science we seek, of sober 
& correct morals and habits, — indispensable qualities in 
a professor in this country, — and of accomodating and 
peaceable disposns, so necessary for the harmony of the 
instn. Your knolege, respected Sir, of persons, characters, 
and qualifications may guide and guard him in this diffi- 
cult research. May we venture to ask the benefit of it, 
and your patronage of the mission on which Mr. Gilmer 
goes ? To myself it would be a peculiar gratificn to have 
an associate so eminent in the performance of offices 
promising so much good to those we are to leave behind 
us, and at an age so advanced as to indulge us in the 
prospect of few remaining occasions of being useful to 
the generations to come. With my thanks for any good 
offices you can render our infant institution, be pleased 
to accept the assurances of my high veneration, esteem, 
& consideration. Th : J. 



Dear Sir, — It is now 35 years since I had the great 
pleasure of becoming acquainted with you in Paris, and 

* Dugald Stewart, one of the most famous of the Scottish metaphysicians, was born in 
Edinburgh, Nov. 22, 1753, and died there June 11, 1828. See Dictionary of National 
Biography, vol. liv. pp. 282-286. — Eds. 


since we saw together Louis XVI. led in triumph by his 
people thro' the streets of his capital ; these years too 
have been like ages in the events they have engendered 
without seeming at all to have bettered the condn of suf- 
fering man. Yet his mind has been opening and advanc- 
ing, a sentiment of his wrongs has been spreading, and it 
will end in the ultimate establishment of his rights. To 
effect this nothing is wanting but a general concurrence 
of will, and some fortunate accident will produce that. 
At a subsequent period you were so kind as to recall me 
to your recollection on the publicn of your invaluable 
book on the Philosophy of the Human Mind, a copy of 
which you sent me, and I have been happy to see it 
become the text book of most of our colleges & academies, 
and pass thro' several reimpressions in the U.S. An 
occurrence of a character dear to us both leads again to a 
renewal of our recollections and associates us in an occa- 
sion of still rendering some service to those we are about 
to leave. The State of Virga, of which I am a native 
and resident, is establishing an university on a scale as 
extensive and liberal as circumstances permit or call for. 
We have been 4 or 5 years in preparing our buildings, 
which are now ready to recieve their tenants. We pro- 
ceed, therefore, to the engaging professors, and anxious 
to recieve none but of the highest grade of science in 
their respective lines, we find we must have recourse to 
Europe, where alone that grade is to be found, and to Gr. 
Br. of preference, as the land of our own language, 
morals, manners, and habits. To make the selection we 
send a special agent, M r Francis W. Gilmer, who will 
have the honor of delivering you this letter. He is well 
educated himself in most of the branches of science, of 
correct morals and habits, an enlarged mind, and a dis- 
cretion meriting entire confidence. From the universities 
of Oxford and Cambridge, where we expect he will find 
persons duly qualified in the particular branches in which 


these seminaries are respectively eminent, he will pass on 
to Edinburgh distinguished for it's school of Medicine as 
well as of other sciences, but when arrived there he will 
be a perfect stranger, and would have to grope his way 
in darkness and uncertainty ; you can lighten his path, 
and to beseech you to do so is the object of this letter. 
Your knolege of persons and characters there can guard 
him against being misled and lead him to the consumma- 
tion of our wishes. We do not expect to engage the 
high characters there who are at the head of their schools, 
established in offices, honors, & emoluments which can be 
bettered no where. But we know there is always a 
junior set of aspirants, treading on their heels, ready to 
take their places, and as well & sometimes better quali- 
fied than they are. These persons, unsettled as yet, sur- 
rounded by competitors of equal claims, and perhaps 
greater credit and interest, may be willing to accept 
immediately a comfortable certainty here in place of 
uncertain hopes there, and a lingering delay of even 
these. From this description of persons we may hope to 
procure characters of the first order of science. But how 
to distinguish them ? For we are told that were the 
mission of our agent once known, he would be over- 
whelmed with applicants, unworthy as well as worthy, 
yet all supported on recommendns and certificates equally 
exaggerated, and by names so respectable as to confound 
all discrimination. Yet this discrimination is all impor- 
tant to us. An unlucky selection at first would blast all 
our prospects. Let me beseech you, then, good Sir, to 
lead Mr. Gilmer by the hand in his researches, to instruct 
him as to the competent characters, & guard him against 
those not so. Besides the first degree of eminence in 
science, a professor with us must be of sober and correct 
morals & habits, having the talent of communicating his 
knolege with facility, and of an accomodating and peace- 
able temper. The latter is all important for the harmony 


of the institution. For minuter particulars I will refer 
you to Mr. Gilmer, who possesses a full knolege of every- 
thing & our full confidence in everything. He takes with 
him plans of our establm't, which will shew the comfort- 
able accommodns provided for the professors, whether 
with or without families ; and by the expensiveness and 
extent of the scale they will see it is not an ephemeral 
thing to which they are invited. 

A knolege of your character & disposns to do good dis- 
penses with all apology for the trouble I give } r ou. While 
the character and success of this institn, involving the 
future hopes and happiness of my country, will justify 
the anxieties I feel in the choice of it's professors, I am 
sure the object will excite in your breast such sympathies 
of kind disposn, as will give us the benefits we ask of 
your counsels & attentions. And, with my acknolege- 
ments for these, accept assurances of constant and sincere 
attanrE, esteem & respect. 

Dugald Stewart, Esq. 


Phil ad. 4 June, 1824. 

TnoMAS Jefferson, Monticello : 

D. Sir, — I have the pleasure of sending you from the 
Socy. a copy of the Catalogue they have just completed ; 
it has been arranged by M. Du Ponceau, who has given as 
much of his time as possible, & has occupied a part of 
almost every day for many months in its completion. 
Owing to the great variety (& to him the novelty of 
many parts or subjects), some errors have crept in which 
were discovered too late to be rectified. Upon the whole 
we hope you will approve this first attempt ; a new edi- 
tion at a future day, when the increase of our library 
shall require it, will afford an opportunity of correcting 
them. When we consider that after the Revolutionary 

1824.] JOHN VAUGHAN 337 

War, about 150 vol. constituted our whole library, it is 
matter of congratulation that we have increased the 
number to about 6000 vols. The great extent of our 
collection in the transactions of foreign Scientific Societies, 
& the various works of great value in foreign languages, 
we cannot but feel grateful for the liberality which has so 
largely enriched our library, beyond our own means, & we 
felt it as a duty to make our riches known to the coun- 
try. We hope it will stimulate other public societies to 
follow our example, & be the only means we have of 
embodying the knowledge of the bibliographical stock of 
the country, now widely scattered, & which never can be 
collected as in Europe in very large masses. If the books 
are any where in the country, & we know where they are, 
the means of consulting them are not difficult to com- 
mand. Our federative gov*, both for making & execut- 
ing laws, brings together from all parts a constantly 
changing body of the most enlightened enquiring men of 
the country, & renders communication easy. 

In this view we have been particularly exact in noting 
editions & giving fuller titles than may seem necessary. 

The undertaking has been very expensive, & we have 
been obliged de nous cotiser towards defraying the expence 
to share any funds we may acquire towards filling up the 
many chasms you will find under many of the heads. 
We hope, however, that this will be amply made up by 
the friends & wellwishers of our Society & of science, who 
may be able to assist us by their donations or their be- 
quest. I wish the generous literary spirit of Boston 
could seize our rich men here. 

They have secured Ebeling & Warden's Library. 
I remain yours sincerely, 

Jn. Vaughan. 

One vol. is half printed. I have placed your name 
amongst the subscribers. If any of your friends wish to 



subscribe I shall be please to hand their order to the 
Publisher. I can also procure 2, few setts of the Transac- 
tions. No Bookseller can furnish one. 


Thomas Jefferson, Esq 1 :, Monticello, Virginia. 

Monroe Count., Mississippi, August 17, 1824. 

Dear Sir, — Blieveing that their will be two questions 
of considerable importance (to the State and County in 
which I live) agitated in the next legislature, and feeling 
myself incapable of determing on either of them correctly, 
I have taken the liberty of addressing you, and I hope 
that you will put yourself to the trouble of instructing an 
inexperienced youth. And knowing that your opinions 
have more weight than an other person's in the United 
States, and believeing you to understand more the nature, 
meaning and jenious of our Constitution, I wish not only 
to be instructed but to handle your opinions in such a man- 
ner as will be advantageous to the State. During the sit- 
ing of the legislature their was an act passed that the 
judges of the State have declarded unconstitutional and 
have prevented its operation. Their power appears to me 
to be a constructed one growing out of their oaths. As 
such should the next legislature repass the law and reasert 
the constitutionality of it. Their appears to me a diffick- 
ulty ariseing that can not be surmounted if the judges 
possess this power of putting down laws, on which ques- 
tion I wish you to giveme your opinion; for should the 
Judicery and legislature act in this way (and the judges 
possess superior power) civil liberty in a great measure is 
put at rest. Though I am of opinion that the judges 
possess some such power, but where to draw the lines of 

* Perhaps the person who wa< afterward a niemher of the United States House of Rep- 
resentatives from Tennessee. See Lanmau's Biographical Annals, p. 4G5. — Eds. 


demarcation between them I know not. The question in 
relation to the county is wheather it would be an infring- 
ment on the powers of the general government or a viola- 
tion of the State constitution to run nominal or real lines 
in the Indian Nation to get a sufficient territory to form a 
constitutional county. The constitution of the State 
requires 576 square miles to each county, and Monroe 
County is detached from the settled parts of the State by 
the Indian Nation and wants only a small quantity of ter- 
ritory to be large enough for two counties. I am of the 
opinion that if the line was run and the law sufficiently 
guarded so as to prevent two conflicting governments, and 
thereby secure to the Indians their rights and priviledges 
as though the line had not of been run, that it would not 
be infringeing on the powers of the general government ; 
and with regard to the S[t]ate Constitution, I am of the 
opinion that the laws of the State in criminal cases would 
operate within these real or ideal lines, and could be made 
to operate in civial cases under certain circumstances 
which would do away the ideality of thing and make it 
a substance in the meaning of the Constitution. It is con- 
tended that the line run in the Nation would be ideal in the 
eye of the law, and consequently would be no acquisition 
of territory. I think the State can divide its territory in 
any manner provided it dose not violate any agreement 
or compact betwn it and the U. States, and that the 
State is as much the so ve ring of the Indian Nation in a 
comparative sense as their are of any other part of the 
charted limits of the State. On which subjects if you will 
trouble yourself so far as to give me your opinion, you 
will confer a lasting favor and, if your wish, it shall not be 
made public. 

I am, D. Sir, with sentiments of the highest respect 
and esteem, Your obt. hub 1 , servant, 

Christopher H. Williams. 

P. S. Direct your letter to Cotton Gin Port. 



Monticello, Jan. 15, 25. 

Dear Sir, — I owe you many thanks for the two last 
books you have been so kind as to send me. I have 
derived a great deal of information from Russel for the 
use of our University. I had only a borrowed copy, and 
had been disappointed in getting one from England. 
Bos worth is a treasure of Anglo-Saxon learning. There 
is much in him valuable and new to me. He treads, in- 
deed, in the footsteps of D r Hickes and his followers, in 
endeavoring to make it a language of learned construc- 
tion, giving it the genders, numbers, declensions, con- 
signs, and other scaffoldings of the Greek and Latin, 
and encumbering it with difficulties even beyond theirs, 
whereas by simplifying and fixing it's orthography we 
find it is old English, only one age senior to Pierce 
Plowman, and that it becomes like that the laneuas-e 
we speak, as readily intelligible as other old English. 

On your recommendation of Mr. Hilliard, and explana- 
tion of the means he had established of procuring books 
from the several book-marts of Europe, I accepted will- 
ingly his proposition to become the furnisher of books to 
our University. The inclosed letter contains a catalogue 
of the school books we shall immediately want, and of 
those of a higher order which will be recommended to 
our students. I am so unwilling to give him false expec- 
tations of the extent of our market, which might end in 
disappointment and loss, that I hope I am under the 
mark in what I recommend. It is impossible for us as 
yet to conjecture the number of students which may 

* This letter is printed from the original in the possession of Archibald Gary Coolidge. 
Joseph Coolidge, Jr., was the son of Joseph and Elizabeth (Bulfinch) Coolidge, and was 
born in Boston Oct. 31, 1798. He graduated at Harvard College in 1817, was married to 
the favorite granddaughter of Thomas Jefferson in May, 1825, and died in his native city 
Dec. 14, 1879. — Eds. 

1825.] THOMAS JEFFERSON". 341 

offer. There are many circumstances of detail in the 
local condition of the place, known to yourself and not 
communicable by letter. I have therefore taken the 
liberty of inclosing to you the letter for him, and request- 
ing you to deliver it in person, as you could answer the 
many enquiries he may be disposed to make, and possess 
him of the true state of things here. Possibly we may find 
it convenient to employ Mr. Hilliard to collect our library 
from the different countries of Europe, on a reasonable 
commission, we advancing the money. To preserve our 
exemption from duties he would be to be made merely 
our agent, the property of the books to be, for that pur- 
pose, vested in the University. On this my colleagues 
will be to decide. The amount, you know, we estimate 
at about 23,000 D. 

I proposed to you to suggest to some editor of books in 
Boston the printing an 8 V0 edii of Wilson's Ornithology, 
giving plates of 8 V0 size also, w 7 ith mere sketchings of 
the forms of the birds in a light way. I do not know 
whether the lithographic art is practised in Boston. If it 
is it would be quite equal to the object of this work, and 
so cheap, as I learn, as to cost little more than printing. 

In a letter I recieved last evening from Mr. Appleton, 
our consul at Leghorn, a gentleman of intelligence, is the 
following paragraph : li I have been informed that there 
has been lately discovered at Athens, in a subterranean 
vault, a collection of 2,000 vols, or rolls of papyrus of 
Graecian authors, in a great state of perfection, with 
several statues of the highest order of sculpture, which it 
was probable was sunk by an earthquake, or was buried 
to save it from the barbarous hands of Mussulmen." I 
give it in his own words, and am sorry it stands on the 
indefinite ground of " I have been informed." If true, we 
may recover what had been lost of Diodorus Siculus, 
Polybius, and Dion Cassius. I would rather, however, it 
should have been of Livy, Tacitus, and Cicero. 


We are in the hourly expectation of the arrival of the 
complement of our Professors, and shall open the Univer- 
sity within one fortnight after it shall be known that 
they are landed on our shores. Our family is all well, 
and hold you in affectionate recollections. I join them 
sincerely in these, and pray you to be assured of my 
cordial friendship and respect. 

Th : Jefferson. 


Dear Sir, — On receiving your letter, I called on Mr. 
Hilliard, and gave him all the information in my power 
relative to the University. Upon some points he was 
desirous to hear farther from you ; but as one of the 
partners of the house of Cummings, Hilliard & Co. will 
soon be in Charlottesville, I hope you will be spared the 
fatigue of an additional correspondence. You mention 
that possibly Mr. Hilliard may be appointed agent to 
purchase the University library : he has great facilities 
for doing this to advantage, being experienced in the 
trade, and personally acquainted with the great book- 
marts of the Continent and of England; he is univer- 
sally respected as an honorable and intelligent man, and 
is in perfectly good business credit. But it might be well 
to make some arrangement by wh. the funds of the Uni- 
versity could only be applied to the use of that institu- 
tion, and not connected in any way with his own private 
business, wh. is very extensive. 

I am glad. Sir, that Bosworth contained any thing 
worth notice. In addition to your remarks upon the 
simplicity of the Saxon language, I will only venture to 
add, being wholly unacquainted with the subject, that it 
seems to me extremely improbable that philosophical 
terms of expression should be found couppled with semi- 

1825.] JOSEPH COOLIDGE, JK. 343 

barbarous modes of life. In an early stage of society, 
such as existed prior to the Norman Conquest, our ideas 
are few ; as these increase the medium by wh. they are 
conveyed improves, and the language therefore by de- 
grees becomes complicated, and requires the machinery of 
grammatical forms. It seems, therefore, unwise to look 
in the language of the Anglo-Saxons for the " difficul- 
ties" of the Greek and Latin. 

My sentiments of respectful attachment to the founder 
lead me to take a lively interest in the welfare of the 
V a University ; and I beg leave to congratulate you, Sir, 
on the arrival of your Professors. The University will 
soon, I suppose, go into operation. I daily hear many 
wishes for its success. By a vessel to sail in a few days 
for Richmond, I shall send the Cambridge translations of 
several elementary French mathematical works. Per- 
haps on examination they may be thought not unworthy 
of recommendation to the higher classes. 

Mr. Ticknor presents his respects to you, Sir, and 
promises immediately to prepare the catalogue of Ger- 
man books. 

With sincere respect, 

Yr. friend & obt. svt. 

J. Coolidge, Jr. 

Boston, Feby 23 d , 1825. 

Pickering's Lexicon will not be published for some 
time, perhaps for 3 months. I enclose a specimen of one 
now printing in England. 


Monticello, Apr. 12, 25. 

Dear Sir, — The arrival of our Professors from abroad 
has at length enabled us to get our University into opera- 

* Printed from the original in the possession of Archibald Cary Coolidge. — Eds. 


tion. Their failure to arrive by the day we had announced 
for it's commencement lost us for awhile many students 
who supposing, with most of us, from the length of time 
they had been out, that they must have perished, engaged 
themselves elsewhere. We began on the 7 th of March 
with between 30 and 40. Since that they have been 
coming in, and are still coming almost daily. They are 
at this time 65. I wish they may not get beyond 100 
this year, as I think it will be easier to get into an estab- 
lished course of order and discipline with that than with 
a greater number. Our English Professors give us per- 
fect satisfaction. The choice has been most judiciously 
made. They are of very high order in their respective 
sciences, correct in their habits, encounter cheerfully 
whatever is novel to them, and are zealous to promote 
their respective schools. Our Professors of Chemistry 
and Moral Philosophy are chosen from among our own 
fellow citizens, as will be our Professor of Law, not yet 
named. The first of these just arrived, and the second 
hourly expected. On his arrival the Faculty will form 
themselves into a board, and commence the exercise of 
their functions of order and discipline, for which the 
necessity is already apparent by the incipient irregular- 
ities of some of the youths. 

Your kind dispositions towards our University will 
sometimes, I fear, be the source of trouble to you. We 
understand that the art of bell making; is carried to greater 
perfection in Boston than elsewhere in the U. S. We 
want a bell which can generally be heard at the distance 
of two miles, because this will ensure it's being edways 
heard at Charlottesville. As we wish it to be sufficient 
for this, so we wish it not more so, because it will add to 
it's weight, price, and difficulty of management. Will you 
be so good as to enquire what would be the weight and 
price of such a bell, and inform me of it? I have engaged 
Mr. Ililliard as agent for the University in the purchase 

1825.] CHAPMAN JOHNSON , 345 

of it's library ; and the sum to be put into his hands being 
considerable (15,000 D.), I have required security from 
him, and taken the liberty of referring him to yourself 
and Mr. Ticknor for judging and certifying to me it's 

The books you have been so kind as to present to the 
University have been recieved and were opened yesterday. 
They came in good condition, were peculiarly well bound, 
and entirely acceptable. I think there was but one which 
proved a duplicate. Permit me in the name of the Uni- 
versity & Visitors to return you their thanks for this 
handsome donation. 

The object of the welcome visit we expect from you 
soon is such as would render the presence of your parents, 
Mr. and Mrs. Coolidge, peculiarly gratifying. I am a 
stranger to their ages and condition of. health, and how 
far these would admit of such a journey, and therefore, 
I must only say that they would be recieved with the 
most sincere cordiality ; so, if any other of your friends, 
led by affection to you or by curiosity, should be willing 
to accompany you, it would give us great pleasure. 

I send you a copy of our regulations, and pray you to 
be assured of my affectionat attachment and great 
respect. Th : Jefferson. 


Thomas Jefferson, Esquire, Montkello. 

Richmond, 23 April, 1825. 

Dear Sir, — I have to thank you for your letter of the 
15 th enclosing a copy of the rules for the government of 
the University. I am glad to hear that they are ap- 
proved, and I hope they will be found useful. My leisure 
has not been sufficient to examine them with attention, but 
most of them, at first view, appear to me judicious. 

The proposition to purchase Perry's land, I would advo- 


cate with much interest, if we had the funds in hand, or 
a certain revenue from which they would arise. But I am 
afraid to venture on any new engagement in the present 
state of our finances. 

I think we should better meet the public wishes, and 
better assure prosperity to our institution, by finishing 
what is begun, and paying what we owe, than by acquiring 
this land, however desireable, at the expense of creating 
new debt. 

I have no doubt that at all times we shall be able, when 
we have the money, to command a communication between 
any two parcels of land. 

It gives me great pleasure to hear of the favorable com- 
mencement of the institution. I have great hopes from 
the European professors. From what I have seen of them, 
I think them highly qualified to be useful. What I fear 
most is that they will want experience in the government 
of our youth. 

What is to be done about a law professor ? I think 
much depends on his appointment. It is very difficult to 
fill. The requisite talent, science, and moral qualification, 
is difficult to find, and when found more difficult to allure 
from more profitable or more agreeable stations. If an 
American, particularly a Virginian, qualified alike for the 
professor's chair and for the government of the institution 
could be tempted into the office, I think we should have 
done much to assure prosperity to the institution. What 
think you of establishing a presidency, charged with the 
execution of the laws, with a salerary of $500, to be an- 
nexed to any professorship that the Visitors think proper, 
and tendering this office to a professor of law, as an induce- 
ment to its acceptance ? I think the institution will be 
found to want a head, and that this want should be sup- 
plied by some American, the influence of whose moral 
character will supply the place of many minute regula- 
tions and vexatious punishments. 

1825.] JOSEPH COOLIDGE, JR. 347 

I wish you would think this suggestion worthy of your 

With very great respect, your very ob fc . sv*, 

Ch. Johnson 

I have regretted exceedingly that I could not attend 
your last meetings. At the extra meeting I was bound 
by the courts. At the regular meeting weather bound. 

C. J. 


Dear Sir, — I am very sorry that it was not in my 
power sooner to answer your kind letter of April 12. I 
am told that a bell weighing about 400 lb. would be heard 
always at the distance of one mile, the cost of which at 
35 cts. pr. lb., with 14 dls. for a stock and wheel, recom- 
mended to be made here, would be one hundred and fifty- 
four dollars. From this a slight deduction might possibly 
be obtained by one authorized to give an order. Any tone 
can be given which is desired ; and an inscription, if 
wished, would be added gratis. One week is necessary 
to cast such a bell ; if not satisfactory when finished it 
would be rec d again, and another made. 

Mr. Hilliard is still absent. On his return Mr. Ticknor 
and myself will do all in our power to ascertain the nature 
of the security he may offer for the proper application of 
the University funds. A lively interest in the welfare of 
the University and my great respect for yourself, Sir, will 
make [me] at all times anxious to render any services in 
my power. Should the preceding answers to your in- 
quiries induce you to order a bell from this place, it will 
give me great pleasure to act as your agent in doing so, 
and in shipping it, when ready, to Richmond ; and if 
absent when your letter arrives, my father will most 
readily charge himself with the execution of your wishes. 


In reply to that portion of yonr letter in which you 
kindly invite my parents to accompany me in my visit 
to MonticellOj I can but gratefully acknowledge my sense 
of the attention and express my regret that my mother's 
health is such as to forbid so long a journey. Many cir- 
cumstances would conspire with the wish to become 
personally acquainted with the family at Monticello to 
make such a visit pleasant, but she has not strength for 
the effort. I hope, however, that it will be in the power 
of my father and mother, whose united thanks I am 
desired to offer you, to meet us on our way northwards, 
and to receive, perhaps in New York, their new relative 
with the attention and kindness alike due to her friends 
and to herself. With the renewed assurance that it will 
ever gratify me to be useful to the University, and with 
the expression of deep and most respectful interest, 
I remain 

Yr. friend. 

J. Coolidge, Jr. 

April 25, [1825] Monday. Boston. 


Boston, August 1, '25. 

Having reached Boston in safety, my dearest grand- 
father, one of my first cares is to write to you, to thank 
you for all the kindness I have received from you, & for 
all the affection you have shewn me, from my infancy & 
childhood, throughout the course of my maturer years : 
the only return I can make is b} r gratitude the deepest & 
most enduring and love the most devoted ; and although 

* Eleonora Wayles Randolph was the second daughter of Thomas Mann and Martha 
(Jefferson) Randolph, and was born Oct. 30, 1796. She was married to Joseph Coolidge, Jr., 
of Boston, May 27, 1825, and died April 30, 1876. Her earliest letters were usually signed 
Eleonora W. Randolph ; later she wrote merely E. W. Randolph ; and finally she adopted 
the form Ellen. — Eds. 

1825.] ELLEN W. COOLIDGE. 349 

removed by fortune to a distance from you, yet my heart 
is always with you. I shall write as often as the fear of 
troubling you (who are already so much troubled by 
numerous letters from others) will permit, and return to 
see you whenever I possibly can, and this I hope will not 
be unfrequently. The facility of travelling is now such 
that I have myself passed over about 1000 miles in 12 
days ; for, of the five weeks that elapsed between my 
leaving Monticello & reaching Boston, we have stopped 
more than three in the different great cities on the road. 
M r Coolidge wished to give me an idea of the beauty & 
prosperity of the New England States, & instead of taking 
me from New York to Boston by sea, he planned a tour, 
which we have accordingly made, up the Hudson as far 
as Albany, from thence to Saratoga, Lakes George and 
Champlain, as far north as Burlington in Vermont, from 
Burlington across the country to the Connecticut River, 
& down this river to Springfield, from whence, through 
the interior of Massachusetts, to Boston. The journey 
has been long & somewhat fatiguing; but it has made me 
acquainted with probably the fairest & most flourishing 
portion of New England, and I do not regret having 
taken it : it has given me an idea of prosperity & im- 
provement, such as I fear our Southern States cannot 
hope for, whilst the canker of slavery eats into their 
hearts & diseases the whole body by this ulcer at the 
core. When I consider the immense advantages of soil & 
climate which we possess over these people, it grieves me 
to think that such great gifts of Nature should have 
failed to produce anything like the wealth and improve- 
ment which the New England ers have wrung from the 
hard bosom of a stubborn & ungrateful land, & amid the 
gloom & desolation of their wintry skies. I should judge 
from appearances that they are at least a century in 
advance of us in all the arts & embellishments of life ; & 
they are pressing forward in their course with a zeal & 


activity which I think must ensure success. It is cer- 
tainly a pleasing sight, this flourishing state of things. 
The country is covered with a multitude of beautiful vil- 
lages ; the fields are cultivated & forced into fertility ; 
the roads kept in the most exact order ; the inns numer- 
ous, affording good accommodations, & travelling facili- 
tated by the ease with which post carriages & horses are 
always to be obtained. Along the banks of the Connec- 
ticut there are rich meadow lands, & here New might, I 
should think, almost challenge Old England in beauty of 
landscape. From the top of Mount Holyoke, which com- 
mands, perhaps, one of the most extensive views in these 
States, the whole country as you look down upon it 
resembles one vast garden divided into it's parterres. 
There are upwards of twenty villages in sight at once, & 
the windings of the Connecticut are every where marked, 
not only by its own clear & bright waters, but by the rich- 
ness & beauty of the fields and meadows, & the density 
of population on it's banks. The villages themselves 
have an air of neatness & comfort that is delightful. The 
houses have no architectural pretensions, but they are 
pleasing to look at, for they are almost all painted white, 
with vines about the windows & doors, & grass plots in 
front decorated with flowers & shrubs ; a neat paling 
separates each little domain from its neighbour ; & the 
outhouses are uniformly excellent, especially the wood- 
house, which is a prominent feature in every establish- 
ment, & is, even at this season, well nigh filled with the 
stock for winter's use. The school-houses are comfort- 
able looking buildings, & the churches with their white 
steeples add not a little to the beauty of the landscape. 
It is common also to find the larger of these country 
towns the seat of colleges, which are numerous through- 
out the country. 

The appearance of the people generally is much in their 
favor ; the men seem sober, orderly, & industrious. I 

1825.] ELLEN W. COOLIDGE. 351 

have seen but one drunken man since I entered New 
England, & he was a South Carolinian. The women are 
modest, tidy, & well looking. The children even are 
more quiet & civil than you generally find them else- 
where ; they are almost all taught to curtsy or bow to 
passers-by ; & it is an amusing & not unpleasing sight to 
see a group of these little urchins returning from school 
with their books in their hands, draw up by the side of 
the road & gravely salute the traveller, who rewards their 
courtesy only by a smile & a nod. 

I have visited one only of the great cotton factories 
which are beginning to abound in the country, & al- 
though it was a flourishing establishment, & excited my 
astonishment by its powers of machinery & the immense 
saving of time & labor, yet I could not get reconciled to 
it. The manufacturer grows rich whilst the farmer plods 
on in comparative poverty ; but the pure air of heaven & 
the liberty of the fields in summer, with a quiet & com- 
fortable fire-side in winter, certainly strike the imagina- 
tion more favorably than the confinement of the large but 
close, heated, & crowded rooms of a factory, the constant 
whirl & deafening roar of machinery, & the close, sour, & 
greasy smells emitted by the different ingredients em- 
ployed in the different processes of manufacturing cotton 
& woollen cloths. Also, I fancied the farmers & labourers 
looked more cheerful & healthy than the persons em- 
ployed in the factories, & their wives & daughters prettier 
& neater than the women & girls I saw before the looms 
& spinning jennies. There are two little spectacles I 
liked much to look out upon from the windows of the 
carriage ; the one was the frequent waggons laden high 
above their tops with hay (the country through which 
I have passed being principally a grass-growing one), 
drawn by the largest, finest, & handsomest oxen I have 
ever seen, & driven by a hail, ruddy farmer's lad ; the 
other was a country girl driving home her cow, for the 


girls, as I have said before, are well looking, healthy, & 
modest, & the cows laden with their milky treasures 
might, any one of them, serve as a study for a painter 
who desired to express this sort of abundance. 

I have written badly, I fear almost illegibly, for I am 
not yet recovered from the fatigue of my journey, & my 
hand trembles ; after this long letter, then, my dearest 
grandfather, I will bid you adieu. I have been received 
with great kindness by my new relations, but my heart 
turns towards those who love me so much better than any 
others can ever do. I am anxious, however, to conciliate 
those with whom I am hereafter to reside, & shall strive 
to make friends, particularly as I have every reason to 
believe that my husband's family & circle of immediate 
friends are persons of uncommon merit. M r Coolidge 
prays to be permitted to express his regard & veneration 
for you, & will attend immediately to your memorandum. 
Once more adieu, my dear grandpapa, love to all, and for 
yourself the assurance of my devoted love. 

Ellen. W. Coolidge. 

Mrs. Ellen W. Coolidge, Boston. 

Monticello, Aug. 27, 25. 

Your affectionate letter, my dear Ellen, of the 1 st inst. 
came to hand in due time. The assurances of your love, 
so feelingly expressed, were truly soothing to my soul, 
and none were ever met with warmer sympathies. We 
did not know until you left us what a void it would 
make in our family. Imagination had illy sketched it's 
full measure to us ; and, at this moment, every thing 
around serves but to remind us of our past happiness, 

* Thi9 letter is printed from the original in the possession of Archibald Cary Coolidge. 
— Eds. 


only consoled by the addition it has made to yours. Of 
this we are abundantly assured by the most excellent 
and amiable character to which we have committed your 
future well-being, and by the kindness with which you 
have been recieved by the worthy family into which you 
are now engrafted. We have no fear but that their 
affections will grow with their growing knolege of you, 
and the assiduous cultivation of these becomes the first 
object in importance to you. I have no doubt you will 
find also the state of society there more congenial with 
your mind than the rustic scenes you have left, altho 
these do not want their points of endearment. Nay, one 
single circumstance changed, and their scale would hardly 
be the lightest. One fatal stain deforms what nature 
had bestowed on us of her fairest gifts. 

I am glad you took the delightful tour which you 
describe in your letter. It is almost exactly that which 
Mr. Madison and myself pursued in May and June, 1791. 
Setting out from Philadelphia, our course was to N. York, 
up the Hudson to Albany, Troy, Saratoga, F* Edward, F fc 
George, L. George, Ticonderoga, Crown Point, penetrated 
into L. Champlain, returned the same way to Saratoga, 
thence crossed the mountains to Bennington, Northamp- 
ton, along Connecticut River to it's mouth, crossed the 
Sound into Long-island, and along it's northern margin 
to Brooklyn, re-crossed to N. York, and returned. But 
from Saratoga till we got back to Northampton was then 
mostly desert. Now it is what 34 years of free and good 
government have made it. It shews how soon the labor 
of men would make a paradise of the whole earth, were 
it not for misgovernment, & a diversion of all his energies 
from their proper object, — the happiness of man, — to 
the selfish interests of kings, nobles, and priests. 

Our University goes on well. We have past the limit 
of 100 students some time since. As yet it has been a 
model of order and good behavior, having never yet had 



occasion for the exercise of a single act of authority. 
We studiously avoid too much government. We treat 
them as men and gentlemen, under the guidance mainly 
of their own discretion. They so consider themselves, 
and make it their pride to acquire that character for their 
institution. In short, we are as quiet on that head as 
the experience of 6 months only can justify. Our pro- 
fessors too continue to be what we wish them. Mr. 
Gilmer accepts the Law-chair, and all is well. 

My own health is what it was when you left me. I 
have not been out of the house since, except to take the 
turn of the Roundabout twice ; nor have I any definite 
prospect when it will be otherwise. 

I shall not venture into the region of small news, of 
which your other correspondents of the family are so 
much better informed. I am expecting to hear from Mr. 
Coolidge on the subject of the clock for the Rotunda. 
Assure him of my warmest affections and respect, and 
pray him to give you ten thousand kisses for me, and 
they will still fall short of the measure of my love to 
you. If his parents and family can set any store by 
the esteem and respect of a stranger, mine are devoted 
to them. Th : Jefferson. 


Phil ad., 9 Sep., 1825. 

Thomas Jefferson, Monticello : 

D. Sir, — I have not lately had the pleasure of hearing 
from you, altho I frequently hear of you from those of 
my friends who can gratify themselves by visiting you in 
your retirement. Some of them think that you do not 
spare yourself sufficiently ; I trust, however, that you 
know & feel what is proper for you, & will not go beyond 
what is right. The University must now have got itself 
embarked and arranged under favorable circumstances, 

1825.] JOHN YAUGIIAN". 355 

& want little more than your countenance & your guar- 
dian. I should be pleased to receive, & lodge with our 
documents, all that has been published relative to this 
important institution, its regulations, the arrangement of 
the classes & professors, &c. I shall preserve them in our 
library with great care. 

Rich d Henry Lee (grandson of R. H. L., who, I believe, 
moved for the voted independence) has been writing the 
mem 8 of his grandfather, to come out soon, & has given 
to our Society the original letters of the various eminent 
correspondents of his grandfather of which he has availed 
himself in the Memoires. He has also given us the 
original or copy in your hand writing of the dft. of the 
Declaration of Independence, with the alterations marked 
in the margin or on the document. It was enclosed by 
you to him on the 8 July, 1776. We appreciate this 
document very highly, & are under obligations to him for 
the gift of this & also for the numerous 'original letters 
he has given us. Any circumstances relative to the doc*, 
which may come to your recollection, we should be much 
gratified to know. Mr. Short & Gov. Coles have both 
certified in our Donation Book the hand writing to be 
yours. We have received considerable accessions to our 
stock of original documnts, & should you have any that 
you could with propriety place with us, they would be 
highly acceptable. 

We have just heard from M. Poinsett from Mexico ; he 
finds things changed since his last visit, for the better 
on the whole. He will attach himself to gain their confi- 
dence, & to counteract the influence which the English 
have acquired from the absence of other agents, & from 
the loans & supplies they have furnished to Mexico. 

Mr. Haines has requested me to enquire of you the 
mode of roofing adopted by you for houses, &c. 
I remain, with great respect, 
Your ob. ser. & friend, 

Jn. Vaughan. 


Mr. M c Clure has arrived, & is now making a tour of a 
month with Say, Troost, Lesueur, & Haines. 

D r R. M. Patterson has just returned from examining 
routes & waters for a State Canal. Patterson, Jones, & 
Bunker are preparing a report on weights & measures for 
our Legislature. D. Cooper, who is now here, is preparing 
a similar one for the State of S° C a , & the Delegates to 
Congress from that State will bring it before Congress. 
We have got the British Act of Parliament, the several 
reports of the Commissions to Parliament on the subject. 
All seem inclined to adopt the English principle, which 
has been the result of all the talent England could 
command, under sanction of the Royal Soc y . 


Free. Th : Jefferson. M r Joseph Coolidge, jun r . Boston. 

Monticello, Oct. 13, [1825]. 

Dear Sir, — It is so long since I ought to have written 
to you that I am ashamed to quote your last date. The 
information particularly which you were so kind as to 
obtain and furnish me as to the cost of a college clock 
should have been answered ; but finding the price you 
mentioned far beyond our expectation and funds, I took 
time to have other enquiries made. These, however, did 
not result in bringing the cost more within our means ; on 
the contrary 40 cents the lb. were asked for a bell in 
Philadelphia, instead of 35, the price with you. We are 
obliged therefore to do without, until our funds are im- 
proved ; and this ought to have been said to you sooner. 

The news of our neighborhood can hardly be interest- 
ing to you, except what may relate to our University, in 
which you are so kind as to take an interest. And it 

* Printed from the original in the possession of Archibald Cary Coolidge. —Eds. 


happens that a serious incident has just taken place there, 
which I will state to you the rather, as of the thousand 
versions which will be given not one will be true. My 
position enables me to say what is so, but with the most 
absolute concealment from whence it comes ; regard to 
my own peace requiring that, — except with friends 
whom I can trust and wish to gratify with the truth. 

The University had gone on with a degree of order 
and harmony which had strengthened the hope that much 
of self government might be trusted to the discretion of 
students of the age of 16 and upwards, until the 1 st in- 
stant. In the night of that day a party of 14 students, 
animated first with wine, masked themselves so as not to 
be known, and turned out on the lawn of the University, 
with no intention, it is believed, but of childish noise and 
uproar. Two Professors hearing it went out to see what 
was the matter. They were recieved with insult, and 
even brick-bats were thrown at them. Each of them 
siezed an offender, demanded their names (for they could 
not distinguish them under their disguise), but were re- 
fused, abused, and the culprits calling on their companions 
for a rescue, got loose, and withdrew to their chambers. 
The Faculty of Professors met the next day, called the 
whole before them, and in an address, rather harsh, re- 
quired them to denounce the offenders. They refused, 
answered the address in writing and in the rudest terms, 
and charged the Professors themselves with false state- 
ments. 50 others, who were in their rooms, no ways 
implicated in the riot and knowing nothing about it, 
immediately signed the answer, making common cause 
with the rioters, and declaring their belief of their asser- 
tions in opposition to those of the Professors. The next 
day chanced to be that of the meeting of the Visitors ; 
the Faculty sent a deputation to them, informing them 
of what had taken place. The Visitors called the whole 
body of students before them, exhorted them to make 


known the persons masked, the innocent to aid the cause 
of order by bearing witness to the truth, and the guilty to 
relieve their innocent brethren from censures which they 
were conscious that themselves alone deserved. On this 
the 14 maskers stepped forward and avowed themselves 
the persons guilty of whatever had passed, but denying 
that any trespass had been committed. They were desired 
to appear before the Faculty, which they did. On the evi- 
dence resulting from this enquiry, three, the most cul- 
pable, were expelled ; one of them, moreover, presented 
by the grand jury for civil punishment (for it happened 
that the district court was then about to meet). The 
eleven other maskers were sentenced to suspensions or 
reprimands, and the 50 who had so gratuitously obtruded 
their names into the offensive paper retracted them, and 
so the matter ended. 

The circumstances of this transaction enabled the Visi- 
tors to add much to the strictness of their system as yet 
new. The students have returned into perfect order un- 
der a salutary conviction they had not before felt that the 
laws will in future be rigorously enforced, and the institu- 
tion is strengthened by the firmness manifested by it's 
authorities on the occasion. It cannot, however, be ex- 
pected that all breaches of order can be made to cease at 
once, but from the vigilance of the Faculty and energy 
of the civil power their restraint may very soon become 
satisfactory. It is not percieved that this riot has been 
more serious than has been experienced by other semi- 
naries ; but, whether more or less so, the exact truth 
should be told, and the institution be known to the public 
as neither better or worse than it really is. 

All here are well, except myself, and I had sensibly 
improved, insomuch as to be able to ride 2 or 3 miles a 
day in a carriage and on our level Roundabouts. But 
going backwards and forwards on the rough roads to the 
University for five days successively has brought on me 


again a great degree of sufferance, which some days of 
rest and recumbence will, I hope, relieve. My dear Ellen 
may be told that at the head of the expelled, as of the 
riot, was W. M. C, expelled from two other seminaries 
before. A 2 d was an exile from every school he had ever 
been at, who had entered and paid his fees only that 
morning. The 3 d , a worthy young man, not of her ac- 
quaintance, whom all lamented, Visitors, Professors, and 
students, but he had unfortunately too much singularized 
himself in this affair. Present to her all the blessings of 
an affectionate gr. father, and be assured of the warmth 
and sincerity of his attachment and respect to you. 

Th : Jefferson. 


Monticello, Nov. 14, 25. 

My dear Ellen, — In my letter of Oct. 13 to Mr. 
Coolidge, I gave an account of the riot we had had at 
the University and of it's termination. You will both of 
course be under anxiety till you know how it has gone 
off. With the best effects in the world, having let it be 
understood from the beginning; that we wished to trust 
very much to the discretion of the students themselves 
for their own government. With about four fifths of 
them this did well, but there were about 15 or 20 bad 
subjects who were disposed to try whether our indulgence 
was without limit. Hence the licentious transaction of 
which I gave an account to Mr. Coolidge ; but when the 
whole mass saw the serious way in which that experiment 
was met, the Faculty of Professors assembled, the Board 
of Visitors coming forward in support of that authority, 
a grand jury taking up the subject, four of the most 

* This letter is printed from the original in the possession of Archibald Cary Coolidge. 
— Eds. 


guilty expelled, the rest reprimanded, severer laws en- 
acted, and a rigorous execution of them declared in 
future, — it gave them a shock and struck a terror, the 
more severe as it was less expected. It determined the 
well disposed among them to frown upon every thing of 
the kind hereafter, and the ill-disposed returned to order 
from fear, if not from better motives. A perfect subor- 
dination has succeeded, entire respect towards the profes- 
sors, and industry, order, and quiet the most exemplary, 
has prevailed ever since. Every one is sensible of the 
strength which the institution has derived from what 
appeared at first to threaten its foundation. We have no 
further fear of any thing of the kind from the present 
set, but as at the next term their numbers will be more 
than doubled by the accession of an additional band, as 
unbroken as these were, we mean to be prepared, and to 
ask of the legislature a power to call in the civil au- 
thority in the first instant of disorder, and to quell it on 
the spot by imprisonment and the same legal coercions 
provided against disorder generally committed by other 
citizens, from whom, at their age, they have no right to 

We have heard of the loss of your baggage, with the 
vessel carrying it, and sincerely condole with you on it. 
It is not to be estimated by it's pecuniary value, but by 
that it held in your affections, — the documents of your 
childhood, your letters, correspondencies, notes, books, &c, 
&c, all gone ! and your life cut in two, as it were, and a 
new one to begin, without any records of the former. John 
Hemmings was the first who brought me the news. He 
had caught it accidentally from those who first read the 
letter from Col Peyton announcing it. He was au deses- 
poir ! That beautiful writing desk he had taken so much 
pains to make for you ! every thing else seemed as noth- 
ing in his eye, and that loss was every thing. Virgil could 
not have been more afflicted had his Aeneid fallen a prey 


to the flames. I asked him if he could not replace it by 
making another. No ; his eye sight had failed him too 
much, and his recollection of it was too imperfect. It 
has occurred to me, however, that I can replace it, not, 
indeed, to you, but to M r Coolidge, by a substitute, not 
claiming the same value from it's decorations, but from 
the part it has home in our history and the events with 
which it has been associated. I recieved a letter from a 
friend in Philadelphia lately, asking information of the 
house, and room of the house there, in which the Decla- 
ration of Independance was written, with a view to future 
celebrations of the 4 th of July in it, another enquiring 
whether a paper given to the Philosophical Society there, 
as a rough draught of that Declaration was genuinely so. 
A society is formed there lately for an annual celebration 
of the advent of Penn to that place. It was held in his 
antient mansion, and the chair in which he actually sate 
when at his writing table was presented by a lady owning 
it, and was occupied by the president of the celebration. 
Two other chairs were given them, made of the elm 
under the shade of which Penn had made his first treaty 
with the Indians. If then things acquire a superstitious 
value because of their connection with particular persons, 
surely a connection with the great Charter of our Inde- 
pendance may give a value to what has been associated 
with that ; and such was the idea of the enquirers after 
the room in which it was written. Now I happen still to 
possess the writing-box on which it was written. It was 
made from a drawing of my own by Ben. Randall, a 
cabinetmaker in whose house I took my first lodgings on 
my arrival in Philadelphia in May, 1776, and I have used 
it ever since. It claims no merit of particular beauty. 
It is plain, neat, convenient, and, taking no more room 
on the writing table than a moderate 4 t0 volume, it yet 
displays itself sufficiently for any writing. Mr. Coolidge 
must do me the favor of accepting this. It's imaginary 


value will increase with years, and if he lives to my age, 
or another half -century, he may see it carried in the pro- 
cession of our nation's birthday, as the relics of the saints 
are in those of the Church. I will send it thro' Col 
Peyton, and hope with better fortune than that for which 
it is to be a substitute.* 

I remark what you say in your letter to your mother 
relative to Mr. Willard and our University clock. Judg- 
ing from that that he is the person whom Mr. Coolidge 
would recommend, and having recieved from D r Water- 
house a very strong recommendation of him, you may 
assure the old gentleman from me that he shall have 
the making of it. We have lately made an important 
purchase of lands, amounting to 7000 D., and the govern- 
ment is taking from us, under their old and new Tariff, 
2700 D. duty on the marble caps and bases of the portico 
of our Rotunda, of 10 columns only. These things try 
our funds for the moment. At the end of the year we 
shall see how we stand, and I expect we may be able to 
give the final order for the clock by February. 

I want to engage you as my agent at Boston for cer- 
tain articles not to be had here, and for such only ; but 
it will be on the indispensable condition that you keep as 
rigorous an account of dollars and cents as old Yerragan, 
our neighbour, would do. This alone can induce friends to 
ask services freely, which would otherwise be the asking 
of presents, and amount to a prohibition. We should be 
very glad occasionally to get small supplies of the fine 
dumb cod-fish to be had at Boston, and also of the tongries 
and sounds of the cod. This selection of the articles I 
trouble you for is not of such as are better there than 

* This interesting relic was exhibited at the Centennial Celebration in Boston, July 4, 
1876. (See Winthrop's Addresses and Speeches, vol. iii. pp. 378, 379.) Subsequently it 
was given to the United States by the heirs of Mr. Coolidge (see Proceedings had in the 
Senate and House of Representatives, April 23, 1880, on the Occasion of the Presentation 
of Thomas Jefferson's Writing-Desk to the United States by the Heirs of the late Joseph 
Coolidge. Jr.)- — Eds. 


here ; for on that ground we might ask for every thing 
from thence, but such only as are not to be had here 
at all. Perhaps I should trespass on Mr. Coolidge for one 
other article. We pay here 2 D. a gallon for bad French 
brandy. I think I have seen in Degrand's price current 
Marseilles brandy, from Dodge and Oxnard, advertised 
good at 1 dollar ; and another kind called Seignettes, 
which I am told is good Cognac, at D. 1.25. I will ask 
of you then a supply of a kental of good dumb fish, and 
about 20 or 30 lb. of tongues and sounds ; and of Mr. 
Coolidge a 30 gallon cask of Dodge and Oxnard's Mar- 
seilles brandy, if tolerably good at 1 D. or thereabouts, 
but double cased, to guard against spoliation. Knowing 
nothing of the prices of the fish, I will at a venture desire 
Col Peyton to remit 60 D. to Mr. Coolidge immediately, 
and any little difference between this & the actual cost 
either way may stand over to your next account. We 
should be the better perhaps of your recipe for dressing 
both articles. 

I promised Mr. Ticknor to inform him at times how 
our University goes on. I shall be glad if you will read 
to him that part of this letter which respects it, pre- 
suming Mr. Coolidge may have communicated to him the 
facts of my former letter to him. These facts may be 
used ad libitum, only keeping my name out of sight. 
Writing is so irksome to me, especially since I am obliged 
to do it in a recumbent posture, that I am sure Mr. 
Ticknor will excuse my economy in this exercise. To 
you perhaps I should apologize for the want of it on this 
occasion. The family is well. My own health changes 
little. I ride 2 or 3 miles in a carriage every day. With 
my affectionate salutns to Mr. Coolidge, be assured yourself 
of my tender & constant love. 

Th: Jefferson. 



RiCH d , 7 Dec, 1825. 

Dear Sir, — The corks you write for shall be for- 
warded by first conveyance to Charlottesville, care Jacobs 
& Eaphael. 

I am truly delighted to hear you are able to resume 
your former healthful exercise on horseback, & sincerely 
trust it will be long before you are again deprived of it. 

M r Monroe is seriously talked of as our next Governor, 
& it is said with his approbation. M r Giles, Pleasants, & 
Henry Tucker are the prominent candidates for senator 
in Congress. It is tho't, since the receipt of the Presi- 
dent's message, which has given infinite dissatisfaction to 
many of our politicians, that Giles's prospects are much 
improved. The University appears to stand well with 
all parties. I hope the grand projected University of 
M r Adams, at Washington, may not swallow it up. 
With sincere regard, D r Sir, 
Yours very truly, 

Bernard Peyton. 


Boston, Dec. 26, '25. 

Your letter of Nov. 14 & 26, my dearest grandpapa, 
gave me a degree of pleasure only to be understood by 
those who like me are far separated from the best and 
kindest friends. It is some compensation for the pains of 
absence, this increased sensibility to the pleasures left still 
within our reach, whereby an occasional & limited inter- 
coarse with those dearest to us acquires a value so great 
as to be a sort of equivalent for the temporary loss of their 
society ; but joyful as the receipt of a letter from you 

1825.] ELLEN W. COOLIDGE. 365 

makes my heart, I still look forward with longing eyes 
to the moment which shall again bring me into your pres- 
ence, and count the months until the return of summer 
shall restore me to the beloved circle of native home and 
early friends. I have found great kindness where I am, 
& feel sincerely grateful for it, & anxious to give the most 
convincing proof of that gratitude by shewing myself sen- 
sible to the attentions that are paid me, & satisfied with 
my residence among those from whom I have received 
them. But all this is consistent with the most lively 
desire to revisit the scenes of my childhood & the friends 
who have loved me first and longest, & whose claims upon 
my devoted affection it is one of my chief pleasures to feel 
& acknowledge. 

The account contained in your letter of the transactions 
at the University M r Coolidge & myself were very glad to 
receive, and he particularly, always respecting your name, 
has made considerable use of it to place things in their 
true point of view, & counteract the effect of false or ex- 
aggerated statements. To M r Ticknor we communicated 
portions of both your letters, not withholding your name, 
as we had your permission for doing so, and believed him 
entirely worthy of the confidence. He is, as you know, a 
strenuous advocate for reform in the Cambridge Univer- 
sity, which has brought him into trouble with many of the 
most distinguished men of letters here ; & I have no doubt 
the opposition he meets with strengthens his interest in 
an institution based upon more liberal principles, & ani- 
mates his kind feelings for the University of Virginia. 
Your old friend Gen. Dearborn is always mindful of his 
former attachment to you, & has shewn it by kindness to me 
for your sake, & many enquiries whenever we have met 
relating to your health & well-being. Numerous engage- 
ments at first, & latterly the severities of a New England 
winter, have prevented me from paying more than one 
visit to M r Adams at Quincy. As soon as the weather 


moderates a little we shall go again. We found the old 
gentleman just as he has been frequently described to 
you, afflicted with bodily infirmities, lame, & almost blind, 
but as far as his mind is concerned as full of life as he 
could have been fifty years ago. Not only does he seem 
to have preserved the full vigor of his intellect, but all the 
sprightliness of his fancy, all the vivacity of his thoughts 
& opinions. He converses with fluency & cheerfulness & 
a visible interest upon almost any topic. His manners 
are kind & courteous ; his countenance animated, & his 
hearing so little impaired as to require only distinctness 
of articulation & scarcely any raising of the voice in speak- 
ing to him. He is surrounded by grandchildren exceed- 
ingly attached to him,. & watching over him with great 
care & tenderness, & altogether presented an image so 
venerable, so august even amid the decay of his bodily 
powers, as sent us away penetrated with respect & admira- 
tion for the noble ruin which, time-worn and shattered, 
looks still so grand in comparison with what is offered to 
us by present times. M r Adams might say with Ossian, 
" The sons of feeble men shall behold me and admire the 
stature of the chiefs of old." I am afraid our Revolu- 
tionary worthies have been succeeded by a race com- 
paratively small. 

The weather has been here cold beyond the season. 
The Bostonians do not generally calculate upon anything 
as severe before January. I have not suffered as much as 
I feared I should, because great precautions are taken to 
guard against the inclemency of the climate. The houses 
are well built, with double doors, small, close rooms, stoves, 
& whatever contributes to keep out the general enemy, 
the intense cold. Great stores of wood & other fuel are 
timely laid in, & against the open air the females particu- 
larly defend themselves by warm clothing. I find that 
with the wrappings generally made use of I can walk or 
ride without inconvenience, & that it is not at all neces- 

1825.] ELLEN W. COOLIDGE. 367 

sary to confine myself to the house more than I should do 
in Virginia. The New Englanders are so reconciled by 
habit to their climate as really to prefer it to a more 
[mild ?] one, a degree of philosophy which I do not think 
I shall very readily attain to. I have written a long let- 
ter, & in great part by candle-light, but I cannot close 
without saying that the brandy, &c, will be shipped in 
about a week along with a piano built for Virginia in this 
town, a very beautiful piece of workmanship, & doing, I 
think, great credit to the young mechanic whom we em- 
ployed, & whose zeal was much stimulated by the knowl- 
edge that his work would pass under your eye. The tones 
of the instrument are fine, and its interior structure com- 
pares most advantageously with that of the English-built 
pianos, having, we think, a decided superiority. The man- 
ufacturer believes that it will be to his advantage to have 
it known that he was employed in such a work for you, 
or what amounts to the same thing for one of your fam- 
ily, living under your roof. Willard, the clock maker, is, 
as I mentioned before, very solicitous to have the making 
of the time-piece for the University, has already begun it 
{upon his own responsibility ', & knowing the circumstances 
of the case, as we have taken care to mislead or deceive 
him in nothing), and wishes to be informed exactly as to 
the dimensions of the room in which the clock is to stand. 
I shall attend to your wishes in respect to the recipes you 
mention. M r Coolidge will write to you soon, & in the 
mean time offers the assurance of his great respect and 
warm affection ; the family hear from me so often it is 
almost unnecessary to send any messages ; I shall there- 
fore add nothing farther to this unreasonably long letter, 
but what I feel to be the inadequate expression of my 
own devoted love for you, my dearest, kindest, best 
grandfather. Adieu, then, since I must say adieu, & be- 
lieve me with the same heart, always your own 

Ellen : W : Coolidge. 


M. Sales is quite satisfied with a message instead of a 
letter in reply to his own, and very grateful for the kind- 
ness of your expressions. 


Dear Sir, — I have been very much gratified by the 
letters rec d from you since I left Monticello ; those which 
contained accounts of the interruption to good order at 
the University were made use of to correct erroneous 
impressions upon the subject wherever we found them to 
exist ; and others referring to the different small commis- 
sions with which you had honoured me gave me an oppor- 
tunity of shewing at least my good will, and make me 
hope that you will always command my services when 
they can be useful to the University or yourself. In your 

letter of to Ellen you permit us to tell Mr. Willard 

that he shall have the making of the University clock, 
and that an order would probably be given for it in Feb y . 
On hearing this he determined, on his own responsibility, 
to commence one immediately, saying that it could be 
paid for at the convenience of the Board ; but seeing in 
our public papers the refusal of the V a Legislature to 
make any further appropriations, I have cautioned him 
against incurring any expense which would be burden- 
some to himself, in the event of your not seeing fit, at 
present, to order a clock. Will you be so good, Sir, as to 
tell Mr. Trist your determination, that he may communi- 
cate it when he writes. 

By the kindness of the family at Monticello we hear 
frequently of your health ; and as spring approaches we 
even venture to speak of seeing you again. This long 
absence from her friends, with all the variety of new 
scenes and new modes of life, has not been able to estrange 
Ellen from those she earliest loved ; but during it she has 

1820.] JOSEPH COOLIDGE, JR. 369 

made me better acquainted with their character and his- 
tory, and taught me to feel a deeper interest than before 
in all that befalls them. It has been, therefore, with pain 
that I have heard the melancholy events which have 
recently visited you, widely extended sickness terminat- 
ing in death ! but the best consolation for the sorrow we 
feel for the loss of friends is to be found in the continu- 
ance and increase of the affection of those who survive, 
& in this you are rich indeed. 

I have deferred too long to mention the valued me- 
morial which you sent me. Several times, however, have 
I written to thank you for " the desk," and as often 
destroyed my letter least that which was but the sincere 
expression of gratified feeling should seem to you like 
exaggeration : but I was truly sensible of the kindness 
of the gift, and the compliment it conveyed. The desk 
arrived safely, furnished with a precious document which 
adds very greatly to its value ; for the same hand which, 
half a century ago, traced upon it the words which have 
gone abroad upon the earth, now attests its authenticity 
and consigns it to myself. When I think of the desk 
" in connection with the great charter of our indepen- 
dence " I feel a sentiment almost of awe, and approach 
it with respect ; but when I remember that it has served 
you fifty years, been the faithful depository of your cher- 
ished thoughts, that upon it have been written your let- 
ters to illustrious and excellent men, your plans for the 
advancement of civil and religious liberty and of art and 
science, that it has, in fact, been the companion of your 
studies and the instrument of diffusing their results, that 
it has been the witness of a philosophy which calumny 
could not subdue, and of an enthusiasm which eighty 
winters have not chilled, — I would fain consider it as 
no longer inanimate and mute, but as something to be 
interrogated and caressed. 

In writing to you at this time, may I not venture to 



allude to the existence of a feeling in Massachusetts, 
honorable alike to those who avow and to him who 
awakens it ? I mean of sympathy and deep regret for 
the circumstances wh. Mr. Loyall has described. The 
opposition of the North to the measures of your politi- 
cal administration was founded, I do believe, on prin- 
ciple ; but I am certain that as all then recognized the 
purity of your motives, and now acquiesce in the wisdom 
of your past conduct, so they enter with a regret as 
sincere as any can do into the necessity of the sacrifice 
you feel called upon to make. 

The connection which subsists between us permits me 
to ask an interest in your thoughts, and gives me the 
right to express to you, without indelicacy, a more than 
common regard ; among the sources of happiness which 
it has opened to me, I do not account it least that it 
allows me occasionally to share in your daily intercourse. 
But I fear to say too much in expressing my feelings of 
affection and deference. 

Joseph Coolidge, Jr. 

Boston, Feby. 27, 1826. 

P. S. The box of cured fish, with the brandy, must ere 
this have reached you. It would have been sent sooner 
had any opportunity offered. At the same time I sent 
to Mr. Trist* a small cask of brandy of uncommon qual- 
ity, and hope that you will consent, Sir, to share with 
him its contents. 


To Thomas Jefferson, Late President of the U. S., Monticello. 

Boston, March 8, 26. 

I enclose a bill for the brandy, &c, my dearest grand- 
papa, by which you will see that we have still a few 

* Nicholas P. Trist, who had married Virginia Jefferson Randolph, a younger sister of 
Mrs. Coolidge. — Eds. 

1826.] ELLEN W. COOLIDGE. 371 

dollars remaining of the sixty sent by Col. Peyton. There 
are also such receipts for dressing the fish & tongues & 
sounds as I could obtain ; but these dishes, especially the 
latter, are scarcely ever brought upon table in Boston, 
owing, I suppose, to their being so easily obtained as to 
lose their value by their commonness. The salt cod is 
prepared the first day very much as we do our bacon 
hams, soaked the over night, & boiled a good deal to 
soften & freshen it. It is then eaten with hard boiled 
eggs, melted butter or oil, & various boiled vegetables, as 
beets, carrots, &c. Egg or anchovy sauce may be served 
with it, & is preferred by some. The second day the 
fragments of the cold fish are minced very fine, & mixed 
with boiled potatoes, & either eaten with a sauce or made 
into cakes & browned in a frying pan. With the tongues 
& sounds the principal care is to freshen them as much as 
possible by washing & soaking, & they are oftenest boiled 
plain & served with a sauce. You will see that the 
brandy came to $1.30 by the gallon. It was the lowest 
price for which it could be obtained good. The merchant 
who supplied these articles exerted himself to get them of 
the best quality, knowing for whom they were, & anxious 
that they should give satisfaction. Any thing that we 
can do for you, my dearest grandpapa, will be so much 
gain for us, who look upon the power of serving you, even 
in such trifles as these, as one of our great pleasures, and 
a privilege we would exercise whenever we may. 

By the same mail with this letter I shall send a 
pamphlet directed to you, but intended for M r Trist, as 
the best answer to some questions of his concerning the 
schools of Boston. Having mentioned in one of my letters 
the circumstance that none but Bostonians were admitted 
to these schools (a regulation so apparently illiberal), I 
should have added that they are free schools, supported 
by a tax upon the town's people, who of course would not 
be called upon to pay for the education of any children 


but their own & those of their fellow citizens. The sum 
of 70,000 Ds. is annually taken from the pockets of the 
Bostonians for the single purpose of maintaining the 
schools in their own city ; and there is no tax paid with 
less reluctance, for not only does the public spirit and 
ambition of the people generally flow with it's greatest 
strength and vigour in this one of the channels of public 
improvement, but their zeal is kept alive by the success 
of their efforts. I am told that the schools are rising in 
character from year to year, & that the scholars they turn 
out now are of much higher order than those of a few 
years back. The children of the rich & the poor indis- 
criminately attend them, & are educated gratis. There is 
no pride upon this subject ; the rich man, to be sure, may 
say that there is nothing gratis for him but the name, 
since he is taxed in proportion to his property, & married 
or single, childless or with a numerous family, he must 
still pay his quota for the good of the rising generation. 
Wealthy bachelors are thus compelled to educate the 
offspring of their neighbours, & M r Sears, with a wife and 
six children, and an annual income of 90,000 Ds., cannot 
shrink from contributing his proportion towards the 
proper training of the twenty one sons and daughters 
of his neighbour, an honest mechanic, whose yearly gains 
may not be more than twenty one hundred dollars. I 
have never, how r ever, heard any thing like a murmur 
upon the subject of this tax so beneficial in its results. 

As the winter wears away I am beginning to look with 
longing eyes towards the South ; and the gloom which now 
overspreads my beloved family makes me but the more 
anxious to join them. I shall find the circle diminished 
by one of its members. . . .* I hope to leave Boston for 
Monticello before the heats of summer make it unpleasant 

* The reference is to the recent death of a much loved older sister, Mrs. Bankhead 
(see note, ante, p. 125). In printing this letter a few lines relating to family affairs in 
Virginia have been omitted. — Eds. 


to travel, but this will depend in a great degree upon the 
state of M r Coolidge's business. He may be detained 
much later. With Virginia's piano (which I hope is by 
this time near Monticello) there is a book sent by M r 
Coolidge to my father, which has a high reputation, & you 
might perhaps take some pleasure in looking over, — 
Russell's Tour in Germany. I have found it very in- 
teresting, and it is said to be the best book of travels 
through that country which has been published for a long 

I know not whether my sisters mentioned to you the 
wish of M r John Gray, son of the late Lieutenant Governor 
Gray, to procure some slips of a cider apple which he under- 
stands you have, & consider one of the best in the State. 
I presume it to be not the Crab, for that is common in 
other parts of Virginia, but a red apple, which I remem- 
ber you prized for its cider, and Horace Gray, who visited 
you some years ago, was the person who spoke of it to 
his brother in such a way as makes him anxious to obtain 
& propagate it here. M r Coolidge wrote to you about 
a week ago, & desires now to be affectionately remem- 
bered to you. With love to all my family circle, I bid 
you adieu, my dearest grandpapa, in the hope that no 
new assurance can be necessary of the unbounded venera- 
tion & affection of your devoted granddaughter, 

Ellen. W : Coolidge. 


Monticello, Mar. 19, 26. 

My dear Ellen, — Your letter of the 8 th was recieved 
the day before yesterday, and as the season for engrafting 
is passing rapidly by I will not detain the apple-cuttings 

* This letter is printed from the original in the possession of Archibald Cary Coolidge. 
— Eds. 


for Mr Gray (until I may have other matter for writing a 
oig letter to you), but I send a dozen cuttings, as much as 
a letter can protect, by our l 8t mail, and wish they may 
retain their vitality until they reach him. They are 
called the Taliaferro apple, being from a seedling tree 
discovered by a gentleman of that name near Williams- 
burg, and yield unquestionably the finest cyder we have 
ever known, and more like wine than any liquor I have 
ever tasted which was not wine. If it is worth remind- 
ing me of the ensuing winter, I may send a larger supply, 
and in better time, through Col. Peyton. 

Our brandy, fish, tongues, and sounds are here, & 
highly approved. The piano forte is also in place, and 
Mrs. Carey happe?iing here has exhibited to us it's full 
powers, which are indeed great. Nobody slept the 1 st 
night, nor is the tumult yet over on this the 3 d day of it's 
emplacement. These things will draw trouble on you ; 
for we shall no longer be able to drink Raphael's imitation 
brandy at 2 D. the gallon, nor to be without the luxury 
of the fish, and especially the tongues and sounds, which 
we consider as a great delicacy. 

All here are well, and growing in their love to you, 
and none so much as the oldest, who embraces in it your 
other self, so worthy of all our affections, and so entirely 
identified in them with yourself. 

Th: Jefferson. 



Monticello, June 4, 26. 

Dear Sir, — You have heretofore known that the 
ability of the University to meet the necessary expences 
of a bell and clock depended on the remission by Con- 

* Printed from the original in the possession of Archibald Cary Coolidge. — Eds. 


gress of the duties on the marble bases and capitals used 
in our buildings, a sum of nearly 3000 D. The remission 
is granted, and I am now authorized to close with Mr. 
Willard for the undertaking of the clock, as proposed in 
your letter of Aug. 25. I must still, however, ask your 
friendly intermediacy, because it will so much abridge the 
labors of the written correspondence ; for there will be 
many minutiae which your discretion can direct, in which 
we have full confidence, and shall confirm as if predirected. 
I have drawn up the material instructions on separate 
papers, which put into Mr. Willard' s hands will, I trust, 
leave little other trouble for you. We must avail our- 
selves of his offer (expressed in the same letter) to come 
himself and set it up, allowing the compensation, which, 
I am sure, he will make reasonable. The dial-plate had 
better be made at Boston, as we can prepare our aper- 
ture for it, of sixty inches, with entire accuracy. We 
wish him to proceed with all practicable dispatch, and are 
ready to make him whatever advance he usually requires ; 
and we would rather make it immediately, as we have a 
sum of money in Boston which it would be more con- 
venient to place in his hands at once than to draw it 
here and have to remit it again to Boston. If it would 
be out of his line to engage for the bell also, be so good 
as to put it into any hands you please, and to say what 
we should advance for that also. 

The art of boring for water to immense depths we know 
is practised very much in the salt springs of the Western 
country, and I have understood that it is habitually prac- 
tised in the Northern States generally for ordinary water. 
We have occasion for such an artist at our University, 
and myself and many individuals roundabout us would 
gladly employ one. If they abound with you I presume 
we could get one to come on and engage in the same line 
here. I believe he would find abundant employment ; 
but should it be otherwise, or not to his mind, we could, 


by paying his expences coming and returning, and placing 
him at home as we found him, save him from any loss by 
the experiment. Will you be so good as to make enquiry 
for such a person, to know the terms of his work, and 
communicate them to me, so that we may form a general 
idea of the cost of this method of supply. I could then 
give him immediate information of the probabilities & 
prospects here. I am anxious myself on behalf of the 
University, as well as the convenience it will afford to 

Our University is going on well. The students have 
sensibly improved since the last year in habits of order 
and industry. Occasional instances of insubordination 
have obliged us from time to time to strengthen our 
regulations to meet new cases. But the most effectual 
instrument we have found to be the civil authority. The 
terrors of indictment, fine, imprisonment, binding to the 
good behavior, &c, have the most powerful effect. None 
have yet incurred them, but they have been sternly held 
up to their view. These civil coercions want a little 
accomodation to our organization, which we shall prob- 
ably obtain, and I suppose the more easily as at the age 
of 16 it is high time for youth to begin to learn and to 
practise the duties of obedience to the laws of their coun- 
try. It will make an important item in the Syllabus of 
the Moral Professor, and be considered as forming a 
standing branch in the system of education established 
here. The competition among our hotel keepers has 
made them too obsequious to the will of the students. 
We must force them to become auxiliaries towards the 
preservation of order, rather than subservients to their 
irregularities. We shall continue under this evil until 
the renewal of their leases shall place them in our power, 
which takes place but annually. Our present number 
are over 170, and growing weekly ; and on the opening of 
the Law School, which is fixed to the 1 st of July, the dor- 


mitories now vacant will be all filled. These will ac- 
commodate 216, and several large houses are building 
in Charlottesville for private boarding, to meet the de- 
mand expected at the next commencement. 

Ever and affectionately yours, 

Th : Jefferson. 




Abercromby, James, 4. 

Adams, John, his " Discourses on 
Davila," 36. Mentioned, 77-80, 84, 
91, 147, 152, 224, 300, 301, 324, 365, 366. 

Adams, John Quincy, 232, 364. 

Aitken, Robert, notice of, 29 n. Men- 
tioned, 29. 

Alexander I., Emperor of Russia, 199, 324. 

Allen, , 85. 

Ambrose, James, 325. 

America, from whence peopled, 33. 

American Philosophical Society, 100, 
223, 266, 331, 336, 355. 

Amiens, peace of, its effects on prices, 

Antraigues, Emmanuel Louis Henri de 
Launay, Comte d', 163, 164. 

Appleton, Thomas, U. S. Consul at Leg- 
horn, 21, 341. 

Armstrong, Gen. John, 153, 155, 156. 

Artesian wells, 375. 


Bache, Benjamin Franklin, publisher of 
the Aurora, 65. 

Bache, Dr. , 65. 

Bailey, Hon. Theodorus, 105. 

Baireuth, Frederica, Margravine of, " Me- 
moirs of," 180. 

Balfour, , 4. 

Baltimore, defence of, in 1814, 206, 207. 
Mob in, 243. Unitarian church in, 285. 

Bancroft, Dr. , 18. 

Bank of the United States, subscriptions 
to the, 37. Opposition to the renewal 
of its charter, 153. Effect of its de- 
struction, 237. 

Bankhead, Mrs. Anne Cary, 46, 86, 118, 
125 n., 126, 129, 132, 133. Letter to, 
128. Death of, 372. 

Bankhead, Charles L., 129. Letters to, 
125 132 

Bankhead, Dr. , 132. 

Bankrupt Act of 1800, 71. 

Banneker, Benjamin, notice of, 38 n. Let- 
ter from, 38. 

Barbauld, Mrs. Anna Letitia, Samuel 
Henley's opinion of her poems and her 
character, 13. 

Barbauld, Rev. Rochemont, 13. 

Baring, Alexander (first Baron Ashbur- 
ton), 149. 

Barlow, Joel, his poetical rank, 35. Men- 
tioned, 172. 

Barnes, John, 142, 170, 281. 

Barry, Capt. John, 73, 74. 

Barton, Benjamin S., M.D., 224. 

Bayard, Hon. James A., 111. 

Beckford, William, his "Vathek" first 
translated by Samuel Henley, 12 n. 

Beckley, John, notice of, 104 n. Letter 
from, 104. 

Berquin, Arnaud, his " Children's 
Friend," 28, 30, 31. 

Bell, Col. , 73. 

Biddle, Nicholas, 267. 

Biddle, Samuel, letter to, 43. 

Bishop, Abraham, his pamphlet on 
" Connecticut Republicanism," 78. 

Blackburn, George, 159. 

Blackden, Col. Samuel, death of, 105. 

Blackden, Mrs. Sarah, letter from, 105. 

Blair, , 4. 

Blanchard, Francois, to make an ascen- 
sion in a balloon, 46. 

Blount, Hon. William, 60, 98. Notice of, 
60 n. 

Bollman, Dr. Eric, 185. 

Bonaparte, Napoleon, 66, 69, 129, 139, 
146, 148, 151, 193, 197, 205, 209, 212, 
233, 242, 250. 

Bond, Phineas, 118. 

Booker, William, 58. 

Boston, bellmaking in, 344. Price of a 
bell for the University of Virginia, in, 
347, price in Philadelphia, 356. Public 
schools in, 372. 

Bosworth, Rev. Joseph, D.D., 340, 342. 

Botta, Charles J. W., 300-302, 330, 332. 

Bourbons, restoration of the, 197. 



Bowditch, Dr. Nathaniel, 280. 
Bowles, David, 74, 78, 79, 81. 
Bradbury, John, 143. 
Bradford, , friend of Samuel Henley, 

12, 13, 15. 
Brailsford & Morris, Edward Rutledge's 

opinion of their trustworthiness, 33. 
Brandy, price of, in 1825, 3G3. 
Breck, Samuel, 139. 
Breckenridge, Gen. James, 291. 
Bridgewater, Francis Egerton, Duke of, 

Briggs, Isaac, 251, 256. 
Briggs, Miss Mary B., letter from, 251. 

Letter to, 255. 
Brooks, Major General John, 74. 
Brown, Samuel, M.D., 289. 

Browne, Dr. , Scotland, 283. 

Burke, John D., 115, 116. 

Burr, Col. Aaron, 79, 80, 86, 88, 89, 105, 

118, 122, 157. 
Burr, Miss Theodosia (Mrs. Alston), 89. 

Notice of, 89 n. 

Burton, Col. , 320. 

Burwell, Hon. William A., notice of, 

205 n. Letter from, to , 205. 

Butler, , 139. 

Byrd, Col. William, 4. 

Cabanis, Pierre J. G., 172, 284. 
Cabell, Joseph C, 248, 291, 311, 312. 
Cabell, Hon. Samuel J., 82. 
Calhoun, Hon. John C, 219, 283. 

Cairo, , 290. 

Canada, military operations in, 174-176. 

Conquest of, 183, 216. 
Carr, Peter, about to marry, 56. Men- 
tioned, 73. 
Carter, Champe, 186, 202-204, 208, 241, 

243, 244, 258. 
Carter, John, 203, 204. 
Casa Calva, Marquis of, 114. 
Cassini, Jacques Dominique, Comte cle, 

Cathalan, Stephen, 267. Letter to, 249. 
Chamberlain, Rev. Jason, notice of, 191 n. 

Letters from, 194, 221. 
Chamberlain, Hon, Mellen, owned a large 

portion of the correspondence of 

Samuel Henley, 12 n. 
Channing, Edward T., reviews Ogilvie's 

"Philosophical Essays," Bn. 
Chaumont, Le Roy de, 307 n., 308. 
Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, 297. 
Chickering, Jonas, 367. 
Church, Mrs. Angelica (Schuyler) 88 n., 

95, 140. 
Church, Miss Catherine (afterward Mrs. 

Cruger), 303. Notice of, 88 n. Letters 

from, 88, 110, 112, 127. Letter to, 94. 
Church, John B., 88»., 95. 
Claiborne, Hon. William C. C, 113. 
Clark, , merchant, Boston, 264. 

Clarke, Daniel, 113. His " Proofs of the 

Corruption of Gen. James Wilkinson/' 


Clarke, , 55. 

Clay, Hon. Henry, 190, 192. 

Clay, Hon. Joseph, 119. 

Clausel, Gen. Bertrand, 259 

Cleaveland, Parker, 284. 

Clinton, Hon. George, 129. 

Cod, salt, how prepared for the table, 

Coleman, John H., letter from, 313. 
Coles, Hon. Edward, 174 n., 181, 355. 

Notice of, 200 n. Letter from, 200. 
Coles, Col. Isaac A., letter from, 174. 

Mentioned, 191. 
Collins, Zaccheus, 267. 
Condillac, Etienne Bonnot de, 172. 
Condorcet, Jacques Marie de Caritat 

de, bust of, 288. 
Condorcet, Marie L. S. de Grouchy, 

Mme. de, 259. 
Conrad, I., 186. 
Coolidire, Archibald Cary, 340 n., 343 n., 

352 n., 356 n., 359 n., 373 n., 374 n. 
Coolidge, Mrs. Ellen Wayles, 86, 124, 

257, 359, 368. Notice of, 348 n. Let- 
ters from, 348, 364, 370. Letters to, 

352, 359, 373. Account of her journey 

to Boston after her marriage, 349-352. 

Loss of her baggage, 360. Her visit 

to Ex-President Adams, 366. 
Coolidge, Mr. and Mrs. Joseph, Sr., 345, 

Coolidge, Joseph, Jr., notice of, 340 n. 

Letters to, 340, 343, 356, 374. Letters 

from, 342, 347, 368. Mentioned, 349, 

352, 354, 359, 361-363, 365, 367, 373. 
Coolidge, Hon. Thomas Jefferson, 319 n. 
Cooper, Thomas, M.D., trial of, 76. 

Notice of, 171 n. Letters from, 171, 

184, 269, 315. Mentioned, 278, 279, 

280, 286, 289, 356. 
Copying-press, cost of, 19. 
Cornwallis, Charles, Marquis, 9. 
Corny, Mme. de, 303. 
Correa da Serra, Jose Francois, 181, 190, 

194, 197, 212, 223, 224, 230, 237, 242, 

259, 260, 271, 286, 295, 318. 
Cos way, Mrs. Maria, 114. Notice of, 

302 n. Letter to, 302. 
Cosway, Richard, 302 »., 303. 
Cotton and cotton seed, scarcity of, 269. 
Cox, Thomas, letters to, 320, 327. Letter 

from, 325. 

Cox, , 31. 

Coxe, Dr. John R., 269, 270, 283. 
Craven, John H., 81, 84, 85, 111. 
Crawford, Hon. William H., 232. 
Cruckshank, Joseph, 43. 
Cruger, Bertrand P., 88 n. His financial 

losses in consequence of the Embargo, 

Cruger, Mrs. Catherine, see Church, Miss 

Cummings, Hilliard & Co., 342. 




Dallas, Hon. Alexander J., 211, 219, 236, 
246,247. Notice of, 106 n. Letter from, 
to , 106. 

Darke, Gen. William, 76. 

Davie, Hon. William R., 73 n. 

Davila, Henri C, 301. 

Dayton, Hon. Jonathan, 109. 

Dearborn, Gen. Henrv, 114, 365. 

Degrand, P. P. F., 325, 327, 303. 

D'lvernois, Sir Francis, 147, 152. 

Delaplaine, Joseph, 257, 262 n. 

Desk on which the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence was written, 361, 362, 369. 

De Witt, Rev. William R., 316. 

Dexter, Hon. Samuel, 257. 

Dickinson, John, 301. 

Dilly, Charles, notice of, 20 n. Men- 
tioned, 20, 22, 30. 

Dinsmore, James, 83, 87, 272. 

Dodge, Joshua, notice of, 323 n. Letter 
from, 323. Letter to, 326. 

Dodge & Oxnard, 323 n., 363. 

Dollond, John, 99, 100. 

Dollond, Peter, 99. 

Dorsey, Dr. John S., 269, 270. 

Duane, William, 74, 76, 104. 

Duelling, Thomas Jefferson's opinion of, 

Dumouriez, Gen. Charles Francois, 163, 

Dunmore, John Murray, Earl, 9. 

Duponceau, Peter S., 171, 267, 336. 

Du Pont, Eleuthere I., notice of, 170 n. 
Letters to, 170, 177. 

Du Pont de Nemours, Pierre Samuel, 65, 
74, 191, 233, 237, 242. 

Du Pont Family, 110. 

Dwight, Rev. Timothy, D.D., his poetical 
rank, 35. 


Eastern States, opposed to the war of 
1812, 212 et seq. 

Eastport, Me., gold found at, 136. 

Ellicott, Andrew, 42. 

Ellicott, Elias, 43. 

Ellsworth, Hon. Oliver, 73 n. 

Embargo, financial losses occasioned by 
the, 127. Desire for its removal, 130, 

England, calculations as to the extinc- 
tion of its national debt, 148. Non- 
intercourse with, 151. 

Eppes, Mrs. Francis, 14 n. 

Eppes, Hon. John W., 69, 114. 

Eppes, Mrs. John W. (Maria Jefferson), 
14 n., 69, 74, 89, 94, 96, 110, 112, 

Eppes, , 71, 82, 84. 

Erskine, Hon. David M., arrival of, as 
British minister to the United States, 

Erving, Hon. George W., 141. 

Essex Junto, 135, 323. 

Eustis, Hon. William, M.D., 168. 

Evans, Oliver, 234. 

Faden, William, 31. 

Fairfax, Thomas, Lord, 5. 

Family Influence in appointments to 

office, 90-92. 
Ford, Worthington C, his edition of the 

" Writings of Thomas Jefferson," 

cited, 3 n. 
Fox, Rt. Hon. Charles James, death of, 

France, direct trade with, advocated by 

Edward Rutledge, 32. Arrival of the 

American envoys in, 74. Anticipated 

reception of, 76. Treaty with, 82. 
Franklin, Benjamin, bust of, 289. 

" Autobiography of," 298. Mentioned, 


Franks, Judge , 316. 

Frederick the Great, King of Prussia, 

failing health of, 17. Mentioned, 22. 
Frederick William II., King of Prussia, 

French Revolution, Jefferson's opinion 

of the, in 1791, 38. 
Fries, John, trial of, 76. 
Fry & Chapman, Messrs., 104. 


Gabriel, Pere, 157. 

Gallatin, Hon. Albert, 82, 93, 95, 188, 189, 
227, 247. 

Garvey, Robert & Anthony, 21 n. 

Germaine, Lord George, 9. 

Germany, interest there in the study of 
the classics, 254. 

Gibson & Jefferson, 83. 

Giles, Hon. William B., 219, 364. 

Gilmer, Francis W., 333-336, 354. 

Gilmer, Dr. George, father-in-law of Wil- 
liam Wirt, 67. 

Gilmor, , 224. 

Goodrich, Elizur, removal of, from the 
Collectorship at New Haven, 97. 

Gray, Horace, 373. 

Gray, Hon. John C, LL.D., 373, 374. 

Gray, Lieut.- Gov. William, 373. 

Grouchy, Emmanuel, Marquis de, 259. 

Grymes, Col. Philip, 10 n. 

Gwatkin, , 15. 


Habersham, Hon. Joseph, Postmaster 
General, 96. Notice of, 96 n. 

Hackley, , 132. 

Haines, Reuben, 355, 356. 



Hamilton, Hon. Alexander, 23, 59,62, 78, 
84, 80, 111. 

Hanson, Samuel, 104. 

Hare, Robert, 270. 

Harrison, Col. Benjamin, 9. 

Harrison, Benjamin, 123. 

Harvard University, 276, 309, 310, 365. 

Harvie, Col. John, 55. 

Hay, Hon. George, 157, 203. 

Hemmings, John, 360. 

Henley, Rev. Samuel, D.D., notice of, 
12 n. Letters from, 12, 13, 14, 16. Con- 
gratulates Jefferson on his appointment 
as ambassador to France, 12. Loss of 
his library, 13, 15. The honorary 
degree of Doctor of Laws from the 
College at Williamsburg would not be 
unacceptable, 15. 

Henley, Mrs. Samuel, 14, 15, 17. 

Henry, Patrick, notice of, 56 n. Letter 
from, to Wilson C. Nicholas, 56. De- 
clines an election as Governor of Vir- 
ginia, 57. 

Heron, , 92, 93. 

Hickes, Rev. George, D.D., 340. 

Higginbotham, David, 70, 85, 180, 187, 
203, 241, 244, 215, 258. 

Hill, Rowland, Viscount, 211. 

Hilliard, Abraham, 340-342, 344, 347. 

Hollingsworth, Jacob, 43. 

Holmes, , 83. 

Holt, , 76. 

Horrocks, Rev. James, D.D., opposes the 
ordination of James Ogilvie, 3, 4, 6. 

Horsey, Hon. Outerbridge, 290. 

Houdetot, Elizabeth Franyoise Sophie, 
Comtesse d\ 147, 198. 

Howe, Gen. Thomas, 9. 

Hull, Gen. William, 183, 217. 

Hume, David, 301. 

Humphreys, Col. David, 23. 

Huskisson, Rt. Hon. William, 165. 

Hyde de Neuville, Jean Guillaume, Wil- 
liam Short's characterization of, 198. 
Mentioned, 259, 260. 

Hylton, Daniel L., 47. 


Indians, American, in the Revolutionary 
War, 9. Desire of Mississippi to lay 
out counties in the Indian territory, 

Influen/.a, prevalence of, in 1807, 118. 

Intemperance, growth of, in this country, 

Izard, Mrs. , 243, 244. 

Jackson, Gen. Andrew, 257. 
Jacobs & Raphael, 364. 
Jarvis, William C, notice of, 298 n. Let- 
ter from, 298. Mentioned, 314. 

Jefferson, George, 73, 77, 87, 123, 147. 
Letters from, 90, 112. Letter to, 

Jefferson, Mrs. Martha (Wayles), death 
of, 14 n. 

Jefferson, Thomas, letters from, to Mrs. 
Anne Cary Bankhead, 128 ; Charles L. 
Bankhead, 125, 132; Samuel Biddle, 
43 ; Miss Mary B. Briggs, 255 ; Stephen 
Cathalan, 249 ; Miss Catherine Church, 
94 ; Mrs. Ellen W. Coolidge, 352, 359, 
373; Joseph Coolidge, Jr., 340, 343, 356, 
374 ; Mrs. Maria Cosway, 302 ; Thomas 
Cox, 320, 327; Joshua Dodge, 326; 
Eleutherel. DuPont, 170, 177; George 
Jefferson, 115; James Madison, 155; 
Thomas W. Maury, 248 ; James Mon- 
roe, 321; John Nelson, 272; Mrs. Lucy 
Nelson, 11; James Ogilvie, 116; 
George A. Otis, 300 ; Mrs. Mary Page, 
154 ; Samuel Parr, 332 ; Charles W. 
Peale, 178, 233; Edmund Pendleton, 
37, 59, 75; Bernard Peyton, 269; 
Charles Pinckney, 169, 262 ; William 
Pinkney, 143 ; Mrs. Martha Jefferson 
Randolph, 36, 46, 85, 114, 1 18 ; Thomas 
Mann Randolph, 55, 64, 68, 69, 73, 76, 
78,79,80, 81,83, 86,92, 94,95,111,113, 
117, 124, 129, 130, 134; Richard Rush, 
173; William Short, 202, 232, 285, 
[307 ?] ; William S. Smith, 17 ; Horatio 
G. Spafford, 222; Dugald Stewart, 
333; Joseph Story, 257 ; John Taylor, 
49, 58, 61, 66, 305; William Thornton, 
262, 304; William Tudor, 274, 319; 
Noah Worcester, 265. Letters to, from 
Benjamin Banneker, 38 ; John Beck- 
ley, 104; Mrs. Sarah Blackden, 105; 
Miss Mary B. Briggs, 251 ; Jason 
Chamberlain, 194, 221 ; Miss Catherine 
Church (afterward Mrs. Cruger), 88, 
110, 112, 127; John H. Coleman, 313; 
Edward Coles, 200; Isaac A. Coles, 
174 ; Mrs. Ellen W. Coolidge, 348, 364, 
370; Joseph Coolidge, Jr., 342, 347, 
368; Thomas Cooper, 171, 184, 269, 
315; Thomas Cox, 325; Joshua Dodsje, 
323; Samuel Henley, 12, 13, 14, 16; 
William C. Jarvis, 298; George Jeffer- 
son, 90, 112; Chapman Johnson, 291, 
311, 345; Marquis de Lafayette, 328; 
Samuel J. Neele, 24 ; Mrs. Lucv Nelson, 
10; Hugh Nelson, 290,293, 294 ; James 
Ogilvie, 3, 6; Mrs. Margaret Page, 
120; Robert Patterson, 136 ; Bernard 
Peyton, 364; William Plumer, 137; 
David Rittenhouse, 34; William C. 
Rives, 158; Edward Rutledge, 32; 
William Sampson, 282; Joseph M. 
Sanderson, 273; William Short, 138, 
145, 150, 160, 180, 186, 191, 195, 207, 
227, 235, 240, 243, 258, 277, 287, 295; 
William S. Smith, 21 ; John Stockdale, 
25, 26, 29, 30, 31 ; L. W. Tazewell, 70 ; 
William Thornton, 256; Elisha Tick- 
nor, 238, 263; George Ticknor, 226, 



230, 252, 275, 309; John Vaughan, 223, 
266, 267, 336, 354 ; Eli Whitney, 47 ; 
Christopher H. Williams, 338. James 
Ogilvie's respect and affection for, 5. 
Publication of the " Notes on Virginia," 
26. Lists of books ordered by him 
while in Erance, 27 n. On the estab- 
lishment of the Bank of the United 
States, 37. On the progress of the 
French Revolution, 38. Description 
of his estate, 44. His method in man- 
aging his farms, 50-55. His views on 
secession from the Union, 62, 63. In- 
quires as to practice in parliamentary 
proceedings, 75. On the Presidential 
Election of 1800, 77-80, 82. On re- 
movals from office, 93. Wishes to 
buy a refracting telescope, 99. John 
Taylor's estimate of his talents and 
influence, 102, 103. His opinion of 
duelling, 116. Tired of a life of con- 
tention, 119. On the political position 
in 1809, 131, 133, 135. Wishes to sell 
some of his land, 134. His pamphlet 
on the Batture case, 171. On the 
manufacture of woollen cloth, 177. 
His method of ploughing, 179, 180. 
Regards the downfall of Bonaparte as 
a great blessing, 205. Declines a re- 
election as President of the American 
Philosophical Society, 223. List of 
Taxable Property in 1815, 225. De- 
scription of a domestic fulling-maehine, 
235. On the multiplication of banks, 
248. Urged by William Short to write 
his memoirs, 260. Accepts member- 
ship in the Peace Society, 265. Illness 
of, 307. His journey with Mr. Madison 
in 1791, 353. Gives to Joseph Coolidge, 
Jr., the desk on which the Declara- 
tion of Independence was written, 

Jenner, Edward, ilf.Z).,283. 

Jennings, , 4. 

Johnson, Chapman, notice of, 291 n. Let- 
ters from, 291, 311, 345. 

Johnson, Dick, 83. 

Johnson, William, 269. 

Jones, Rev. John, 4. 

Jones, Stephen, 136. 

Jones, , 122. 

Judicial power under the Constitution of 
the United States, 299, 313, 314. 

Judiciary Act of 1800, John Taylor on 
the proposed repeal of, 101 ; Alex- 
ander J. Dallas on, 107-109. Debates 
in the House of Representatives on, 


Kelly, , 85. 

Kerr, , 68. 

Kilderbee, Rev. , 17. 

Kosciuzco, Thaddeus, 254, 281, 286. 

Lackington, James, notice of, 27 n. Men- 
tioned, 27, 31. 

Lafayette, Gilbert Motier, Marquis de, 
24, 147, 198, 254, 275. Letter from, 328. 

Lake Champlain, 195, 349, 353. 

Lake George, 240, 349, 353. 

Langdon, Bon. John, 93, 97, 137. 

La Perouse, Jean Francois de Galaup, 
Comte de, 162. 

La Rochefoucauld, Mme. de, 199. 

Laurens, Henry, 30. 

Laussat, Pierre Clement, 113, 114. 

Lear, Tobias, 98. Notice of, 98 n. 

Leavenworth, , 156. 

Lee, Gen. Charles, 8. 

Lee, Richard Henry, notice of, 7 n. Let- 
ter from, to Robert Carter Nicholas, 7. 
Mentioned, 274, 301, 355. 

Lesueur, C. A., 356, 

Lewis, Reuben, 117. 

Lieper, Thomas, 69. 

Lilly, , 81, 82, 84, 85, 87. 

Liston, Bon. Robert, 60, 76. 

Livingston, Bon. Edward, 82, 171. 

Logan, Bon. George, 65. 

Lomax, Thomas, 128, 129, 133. 

London, Bishop of (Richard Terrick), 
James Ogilvie applies to, for ordina- 
tion, 3. 

Louis XVIIL, King of Francs, 198, 238. 

Louisiana, proposed cession of, by Spain 
to France, 98. 

Louverture, Toussaint, 98. 

Loyall, Bon. George, 370. 


McCalister, , his price for tuition, 


McClure, , 356. 

McHenry, Bon. James, 76. . 

McKean, Bon. Thomas, strength of his 
interest in the western part of Penn- 
sylvania, 56. 

Madison, James, 38, 93, 95, 114, 129, 132, 
141, 153, 172, 182, 184, 192, 220, 228, 
237, 245, 259, 353. Letters from, to 
Wilson C. Nicholas, 96, 212. Letter 
from Thomas Jefferson to, 155. 

Madison, Rt. Rev. James, 159. 

Maine, separation of, from Massachu- 
setts, 284. Admission of, into the 
Union, 291, 293, 295. 

Martin, T. C, 58, 61. 

Mason, Jonathan, notice of, 213 n. Letter 
from, to Wilson C. Nicholas, 213. 

Masson, Francis, 100. 

Maury, , as a teacher for small boys, 


Maury, Thomas W., letter to, 248. 

Mazzei, Philip, 23. 

Meade, , 132. 

Mercer, Col. Hugh, 3. 



Merry, Hon. Anthony, British minister 

to the United States, 117. 
Miehaux, Andre, 224. 
Middleton, Rev. Conyers, D.D., his "Life 

of Cicero," 128. 
Miller, Phineas, 48 
Missouri, admission of, into the Union, 

2<J0, 292, 294, 295-297. 
Moll, Baron de, 254. 

Monniere, de la, 207. 

Monroe, James, 129, 154, 157, 187, 193, 

199, 202-204, 208, 219, 229, 236, 241, 

244, 245, 262, 364. Letter to, 321. 
Montesquieu, Charles de Secondat, Baron 

de, 172, 185. 
Monticello, Jefferson's description of the 

estate, 44, 45. 
Moore, Sir John, 165. 
Morean, Gen. Jean Victor, 145, 193, 197, 

198. Notice of, 145 n. 
Morellet, Andre, Abbe", 147. 
Morris, Robert, 10. 

Motte, de la, 244, 245, 287. 

Mould-board for a plough, invented by 

Jefferson, 54, 61. 

Moultrie, , 132. 

Monnier, Jean Joseph, 164. 

Murray, Ho~ William Vans, 73 n., 74. 


National Debt of England, calculations 
as to its extinction, 148, 149. 

Neele, Samuel J., notice of, 24 n. Letter 
from, 24. 

Nelson, Hon. Hugh, 120, 296. Notice of, 
290 n. Letters from, 290, 293, 294. 

Nelson, John, letter to, 272. 

Nelson, Mrs. Lucy, notice of, 10 n. Let- 
ter from, 10. Letter to, 11. 

Nelson, Col. Thomas, Jr., his services to 
his country, 10, 11. 

Nemours, , 254. 

New, , 61. 

New England and Virginia compared. 

Nicholas, Hon., Robert Carter, notice of, 
7 n. Letter to, from Richard Henry 
Lee, 7. 

Nicholas, Hon. Wilson C, In., 87, 134, 
205 »., 305 n. Notice of, 56 n. Letter 
from Patrick Henry to, 56. Letters 
from James Madison to, 96, 212. Let- 
ter from John Taylor to, 100. Letter 
from Jonathan Mason to, 213. 

Nicholson, Joseph II., 82. 

Northern States, disaffection of the, 130, 
131, 133, 135. 

Nourse, , 142. 


Otis, Bass, his portrait of Jefferson, 202. 
Otis George A., notice of, 800 n. Letter 
to, 300. 

Otis, James, Jr., 274, 319. 

Oxnard, Thomas, 323 n. 

Oddy, J. Jepson, 152. 

Ogilvie, Rev. James, notice of, 3 n. Let- 
ters from, 3, 6. Desires to obtain 
ordination in England, 3. Deficient in 
a knowledge of Greek, 4. His disap- 
pointments in life, 5. Ordained by the 
Bishop of Durham, 6. Expects to 
return to America, 7. 

Ogilvie, James, author of " Philosophical 
Essays," 3 n. Letter from Thomas 
Jefferson to, 116. 


Page, Francis, 120-122, 124. 

Page, Gregory, 121, 123, 124. 

Page, Ron. John, 120-124. 

Page, John T., 154 n., 155. 

Page, Mrs. Margaret, notice of, 120 n. 

Letter from, 120. 
Page, Mrs. Mary, letter to, 154. 
Pahlen, Count Theodore de, 147. 
Parish, David, 189. 
Parker, Daniel, on the extinction of the 

national debt of Great Britain, 148. 

Mentioned, 167, 168. 

Parker, Judge , 51. 

Parliamentary proceedings, Jefferson in- 
quires as to, 75. 
Parr, Rev. Samuel, LL.D., 254. Notice 

of, 332 n. Letter to, 332. 
Patterson, Robert, 224, 279, 280. Notice 

of, 136 n. Letter from, 136. 
Patterson, Dr. Robert M., 137, 267, 356. 

Notice of, 137 m. 
Patterson Manufactory, machine for 

cleaning cotton, 48. 

Pavne, Miss , 95. 

Peale, Charles W., 125. Notice of, 178 n. 

Letters to, 178, 233. 
Pearce, , advertises a machine for 

cleaning cotton, 48, 49. 
Peck, William Dandridge, 100. 
Pendleton, Edmund, notice of, 37 n. 

Letters to, 37, 59, 75. Mentioned, 

55, 59. 
Penn, William, 361. 
Perceval, Rt. Hon. Spencer, 164, 166. 
Perry, I., 81. 
Petit, Adrien, 23. 
Peyton, Bernard, notice of, 269 n. Letter 

to, 269. Letter from, 364. Mentioned, 

320, 326, 328, 360, 362, 363, 371, 


Peyton, , 68, 111. 

Pickering, John, LL.D., 343. 

Pinckncv, Hon. Charles, 74. Notice of, 

169n. Letters to, 169, 262. 
Pinekney, Gen. Charles C, 77-79. 
Pinkney, Hon. William, notice of, 143 /j. 

Letter to, 143. 
Pius VII., Pope, 233. 



Pleasants, Hon. James, 364. 

Ploughing on hilly land, Jefferson de- 
scribes his method of, 179. 

Plumer, Hon. William, notice of, 137 n. 
Letter from, 137. 

Poinsett, Hon. Joel R., 355. 

Poletica, Chevalier Pierre de, 281, 286. 

Pomeroy, K. W., 273 rc. 

Porter, Gen. Peter B., 175, 199. 

Powell, , 84, 87. 

Presbyterianism in Pennsylvania and 
elsewhere, Thomas Cooper's account 
of, 316-318. 

Presidential Election of 1800, 77 et seq., 
82, 84, 86, 88. 

Price, Richard, D.B., 100. 

Price, , 83. 

Price, , 147, 149, 150, 154. 

Priestley, Rev. Joseph, D.D., 184, 193, 
284, 315. 

Priestley, , 173. 

Ramsay, David, M.D., his " History of 
the Revolution of South Carolina," to 
be reprinted in England with altera- 
tions, 19, 20. Mentioned, 30. 

Ramsden, Jesse, 99. 

Randall, Ben., 361. 

Randolph, Miss Cornelia Jefferson, 85. 

Randolph, Hon. Edmund, 59. 

Randolph, John, Attorney-General of 
Virginia, 4. 

Randolph, Hon. John, of Roanoke, 116 n., 
119, 135, 157. 

Randolph, Mrs. Martha (Jefferson), 14 n., 
17, 35, 75, 78, 79, 80, 83, 84, 86, 89, 93, 
94, 95, 96, 110, 112, 114, 118, 125, 128, 
130, 132, 135, 160, 176, 303, 331. Notice 
of, 36 n. Letters to, 36, 46, 85, 114, 118. 
Letter to, from Benjamin Vaughan, 

Randolph, Thomas Jefferson, 114, 124, 
125, 129, 132, 322. 

Randolph, Thomas Mann, 29, 36, 46, 47, 
85, 115, 116, 119, 147, 160, 191, 290. 
Letters to, 55, 64, 68, 69, 73, 76, 78, 79, 
80, 81, 83, 86, 92, 94, 95, 111, 113, 117, 
124, 129, 130, 134. 

Raphael, , 374. 

Rawle, William, 267. 

Raynal, Guillaume Thomas Francois, 
Abbe', 23. 

Removals from office, 93, 97. 

Remsen, , 69. 

Republican party, successes of, in the 
Eastern States, 138, 144. 

Richardson, , 30, 31. 

Richardson, Richard, 81. 

Ritchie, Thomas, 305. 

Rittenhouse, David, LL.D., notice of, 
34 n. Letter from, 34. 

Rives, Hon. William C, notice of, 158 n. 
Letter from, 158. Mentioned, 195, 

Robertson, Rev. William, D.D., 302. 

Robinson, Mrs. , 114. 

Rochon, Abbe Alexis Marie, 147, 190. 

Rodgers, Com. John, 207. 

Rogers, , 161. 

Ross, James, 73. 

Rush, Hon. Richard, notice of, 173 n. 
Letter to, 173. 

Rutherford, , 112. 

Rutledge, Edward, notice of, 32 n. Let- 
ter from, 32. Desires a closer com- 
mercial connection with France, ib. 


Sales, Francis, 368. 

Salt, scarcity of, in the Revolution, 8. 

Saltpetre, encouragement for making, 8. 

Sampson, William, notice of, 282 n. Let- 
ter from, 282. 

Sampson, -, 161. 

Sanderson, John, 273 n. 

Sanderson, Joseph M., letter from, 

Savary, Anne J. M. R., Due de Rovigo, 

Say, Jean Baptiste, 254. 

Say, Thomas, 356. 

Scott, Gen. Charles, expedition against 
the Indians, 37. 

Scuppernon Wine, 320, 325-327. 

Sears, Hon. David, 372. 

Seaver, Hon. Ebenezer, 217. 

Secession, Thomas Jefferson's views on, 
62, 63. 

Short, William, notice of, 138 n. Men- 
tioned, 59, 355 Letters from, 138, 145, 
150, 160, 180, 186, 191, 195, 207, 227, 
235, 240, 243, 258, 277, 287, 295. Let- 
ters to, 202, 232, 285 [307?]. His ac- 
count of a passage from Dieppe to 
England, 139. Has decided to fix him- 
self permanently in America, 145. In- 
tends to raise merino sheep, 146. On 
the Slave trade, 261. On our relations 
with France and England, 182. On the 
war of 1812, 183, 192, 209-211, 228. On 
Gallatin's management of the finances, 
187-189. , On Dallas's management, 
216, 217. 

Short, Col. , 161. 

Skipwith, Col. , 71. 

Slave trade, an infamous traffic, 261. 

Slavery, letter of Benjamin Banneker on, 
38-43. Letter of Edward Coles on, 
200-202. Its effect on the prosperity 
of the Southern States, 349. 

Smith, Capt. John, scarcity of his Map of 
Virginia, 27. 

Smith, Dr. John Augustus, 270. 

Smith, Hon. Robert, 97. 



Smith, Gen. Samuel, 93. 

Smith, Col. William S., notice of, 17 n. 
Letter to, 17. Letter from, 21. Men- 
tioned, 24. 

Smith, Mrs. William S. (Abigail Adams) 
17 n., 19, 23. 

Smith, Mrs. , daughter of Gov. John 

Page, 124. 

Spafford, Horatio G., notice of, 222 n. 
Letter to, 222. 

Stewart, Dugald, notice of, 333 n. Letter 
to, 333. 

Stitli, . 132. 

Stockdale, John, notice of, 25 n. Let- 
ters from, relative to publishing the 
"Notes on Virginia," 25, 26, 29, 30, 

Story, Hon. Joseph, notice of, 257 n. 
Letter to, 257. 

Strachan, T., 4tn. 

Strieker, Gen. John, 206. 

Strode, , 93. 

Strong, Gov. Caleb, 186. 

Stuart, Gilbert, his portrait of Jefferson, 
256, 262. 


Taylor, George, Jr., 142. 

Taylor, Hon. John, notice of, 49 n. Let- 
ters to, 49, 58, 61, 6G, 305. Letter 
from, to Wilson C. Nicholas, 100. 

Taylor, Thomas, 121-123. 

Tazewell, Hon. Littleton W., notice of, 
70 n. Letter from, 70. His opinion 
of the bankrupt bill of 1800, 71, 72. 
Mentioned, 82. 

Tesse, Mme. de, 24, 147, 161. 

Thompson, Charles, 308. 

Thornton, Dr. William, notice of, 256 n. 
Letter from, 256. Letter to, 262, 

Ticknor, Elisha, 232, 276. Notice of, 
238 n. Letters from, 238, 263. 

Ticknor, George, 224, 239, 240, 264, 
343, 345, 347, 363, 365. Notice of, 
226 n. Letters from, 226, 230, 252, 275, 

Tilghman, Hon William, 267. 

Tobacco, price of, in 1799, 64, 65; in 
1800,69; in 1802, 112. 

Todd, John P., 257. 

Tompkins, Hon. Daniel D., 230. 

Tone, Theobald Wolfe, 282. 

Tone, William T. W., 282. 

Tracy, Antoine L. C. D., Comte de, 

Trist, Nicholas P., 368, 370, 371. 

Trist, Mrs. Nicholas P. (Virginia Jeffer- 
son Randolph), 370 n., 373. 

Trist, , 79. 

Troost, G., M.D., 356. 

Trumbull, John, his poetical rank, 35. 

Trumbull, Col. John, 303. 

Tucker , . 142. 

Tucker, Henry, 364. 
Tudor, Mrs. Fenno, 319 n. 
Tudor, William, Jr., notice of, 274 n. 
Letters to, 274, 319. 


Unitarianism in New England, 323. 

University of Pennsylvania, 270, 271. 

University of Virginia, 270, 276,278-280, 
289-293, 306, 310-312, 322, 332-336, 
340-348, 353, 354, 356-360, 364, 367, 
368, 374-376. 

Van Rensselaer, Gen. Stephen, 175. 

Varick, Richard, 23. 

Vaughan, Benjamin, notice of, 99 n. 
Letter from, to William Vaughan, 99. 
Letter from, to Mrs. Martha Jefferson 
Randolph, 283. 

Vaughan, John, notice of, 223 n. Letters 
from, 223, 266, 267, 336, 354. 

Vaughan, William, notice of, 99 n. Let- 
ter to, from Benjamin Vaughan, 99. 

Vaughan, William Oliver, 283. 

Virginia in the war of 1812, 219. 


Walker, J., 4 n., 5-7. 

Wain, Robert, Jr., 273 n. 

Warden, David B., 150, 156, 253. 

Washburn, Mr. and Mrs. Alexander C, 
17».,37n., 50 n., 58 n., 59;*., 61 n., QQ n., 
75 n., 305 n. 

Washington, George, alarming sickness 
of, 36. Indisposition of, 37. Agricul- 
tural experiments by, 51. Turned the 
government into anti-republican hands, 
62: His refusal to appoint relatives to 
office, 91. 

Washington, H. A., his edition of the 
" Writings of Thomas Jefferson," 
cited, 90 n., 157 n., 248 »., 305 n. 

Waterhouse, Benjamin, LL.D., 362. 

Watson, Mrs. Caroline, 114. 

Waylcs, John, 70, 71, 77. 

Welch, , 70, 71. 

Wellesley, Richard Colley, Marquis, 

Wheat, price of, in 1799, 63 ; in 1800, 

White, Rev. Alexander, 4. 

Whitney, Eli, notice of, 47 n. Letter 
from, 47. 

Wickham, John, 161. 

Wilkinson, Gen. James, 113, 114, 157. 

Willard, Aaron, 362, 367, 368, 375. 



William and Mary College, 185. 
Williams, Christopher H., letter from, 


Wilmer, , 290. 

Winder, Col. William H., 174. 

Wirt, Hon. William, notice of, 67 n. 

Wishes to be appointed clerk of the 

House of Representatives of Virginia, 

Wistar, Dr. Caspar, 124, 129, 223, 224, 

260, 269. Death of, 266. Proposed 

eulogy on, 267. 

Worcester, Rev. Noah, D.D., notice of, 

265 n. Letter to, 265. 
Wright, Miss Frances, 332. 


York, Archbishop of (Robert Drummond), 

Young, Arthur, 51, 53. 
Yrujo, Marquis, 114. 
Yznardi, Joseph, 87, 132.